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UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  STUDIES 

IN  THE 

SOCIAL  SCIENCES 


VOU      IV.       NO.       I 


MARCH,    1915 


BOARD  OF  EDITORS 

ERNEST  L.  BOGART  JOHN  A.  FAIRLIE 

LAURENCE  M.  LARSON 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
URBANA 


COPYKIGHT, 
BY  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 


3-oS" 


The  Illinois  Whigs  Before  1 846 


BY 


CHARLES  MANFRED  THOMPSON,  Ph.D. 

Associate  in  Economics,  University  of  Illinois 


PRICE     95    CENTS 


PUBLISHED  UNDER  THI, 

AUSPICES  OF  THE  GRADUATE  SCHOOL  BY 

THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 


34555-4 


PREFACE. 

This  study  is  intended  to  be  but  preliminary  to  a  history  of 
the  Illinois  Whigs,  which  will  consider  not  only  the  origin  and 
development,  but  also  the  decline  and  decay  of  that  party.  It 
has  seemed  advisable,  therefore,  to  defer  the  slavery  agitations 
of  the  thirties  and  early  forties  to  the  more  complete  discussion. 

Occasionally  the  history  of  the  Whig  party,  and  even  the 
political  narrative  itself,  gives  way  to  discussions  of  a  purely 
social  or  economic  nature.  Such  a  procedure  is  the  result  of  a 
conscious  attempt  to  examine  the  social  and  economic  environ- 
ment of  a  minority  party  within  a  limited  geographical  area,  to 
make  accessible  hitherto  unpublished  information  on  the  political 
affiliations  of  hundreds  of  Illinois  office  holders,  and  to  show 
some  of  the  relations  between  the  politics  of  the  state  and  the 
politics  of  the  nation. 

To  the  county  and  state  officers  who  have  opened  their 
respective  archives  and  rendered  whatever  aid  they  could  to 
facilitate  research,  I  wish  at  this  point  to  express  my  thanks; 
likewise  to  the  officials  and  attendants  of  the  Chicago  Historical 
Library,  of  the  Indiana  State  Library,  of  the  Illinois  State  His- 
torical Library,  of  the  Mercantile  Library,  St.  Louis,  and  of  the 
Library  of  the  University  of  Illinois.  I  am  particularly  indebted 
to  Professor  Solon  J.  Buck  of  the  Universiy  of  Minnesota,  for 
advice  during  the  early  stages  of  investigation;  to  Professor 
Evarts  B.  Greene  for  kind  and  helpful  criticisms,  and  above  all 
to  Professor  Clarence  W.  Alvord  whose  advice  and  oversight 
have  made  the  study  possible. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  I. 

PAGE 

Genesis  of  the  Illinois  Whigs,  1809-1934 

Territorial  politics  9 

Distribution    of    offices,    1818 II 

Edwards  and  anti-Edwards  factions 13 

Cook   vs.   McLean,   1819 13 

The  Missouri  question _ 13 

Cook    vs.    Kane 15 

Cook  vs.  McLean,  1822 15 

Gubernatorial  campaign  and  election,  1822 16 

Question  of  constitutional  convention  before  the  General  Assembly..  23 

Convention  campaign  and  election,  1823-1824 25 

Cook  vs.  Bond,  1824. 27 

Presidential  election,  1824 27 

Cook  casts  vote  of   Illinois   for  Adams,   1825 29 

Gubernatorial  campaign  and  election,  1826 31 

J^ook  vs.  Duncan,  1826 32 

'  Presidential  election,  1828 35 

Gubernatorial  campaign  and  election,  1830 36 

Shifting  of  political  lines 38 

Presidential  election,  1832 38 

Opposition  to  Van  Buren 38 

Summary 39 

CHAPTER  II. 

The  Emergence  of  the  Whig  Party,  1834-1839 

Composition  of  parties  42 

Gubernatorial  campaign  and  election,  1834 43 

9th  General  Assembly,  1834-36 47 

Fight  over  United  States  Bank 48 

White  endorsed  by  senate Si 

Expunging  resolution  endorsed 5i 

Van  Bvjren  endorsed  by  house 52 

Harrison  becomes  a  candidate  for  president 54 

Presidential  election  of  1836,  a  three-cornered  tight 55 

loth  General  Assembly,  1836-38 57 

Gubernatorial  campaign  and  election,  1838 59 

nth  General  Assembly,  1838-40 60 

Summary 61 


-h 


CHAPTER  III. 


Harrison  and  Tyler,  1839-1841 

Beginning  of  Whig  organization 62 

Whig  members  of  General  Assembly  meet 63 

Proposals  for  Whig  state  convention 64 

County  meetings   64 

First  Whig  state  convention 65 


PAGE 

Whig  policies  _ 65 

Nomination  of  Harrison 67' 

Political  machinery 68 

Lincoln's  "famous  plan" 69 

Characteristics  of  the  campaign 69 

Issues  70 

Jackson's  influence  _ 75 

The  "Springfield  Junto" 76 

General  election,  August,  1840. _ 76 

Presidential  election,  November,  1840 _ 77 

The  foreign  vote 79 

Field's  contest  for  office 80 

Special  session  of  the  General  Assembly 82 

The  Bank  question 83 

Reform  of  the  judiciary 85 

Summary 87 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Sectionalism  and  State  Issues,  1841-1845 

Preponderance  of  local  affairs 89 

Gubernatorial  campaign  and  election,  1842 91 

Carlin's  administration  weak 92 

i3th  General  Assembly,   1842-44 93 

The  banks  put  into  liquidation 94 

The   state   debt 95 

State  taxes  96 

Proposition  for  completing  canal 97 

The  Mormons  in  politics 99 

Attempts  to  impeach  Judge  Browne 101 

I4th  General  Assembly,  1844-46 104 

Canal  and  interest  legislation 107 

Sectionalism   intensified 107 

Summary    _ 1 1 1 

CHAPTER  V. 

The  Illinois  Whigs  and  National   Politics,   1841-1845 

Political  affiliations  and  local  affairs  113 

The  Whigs  in  power _ 114 

Harrison's  death  115 

Tyler  inaugurated  _...  115 

Congressional  election,  1841 117 

Tyler's  veto  of  the  Bank  bill.... 118 

Breach  between  Tyler  and  the  Whigs 118 

Congressional    election,    1843 120 

"Address  to  the  People  of  Illinois" 122 

Whig  state  convention,   1843 , 124 

Clay  nominated,  1844. 126 

Clay  vs.    Polk 126 

General  election,  August,   1844. 129 

Presidential   election,  November,   1844 130 

Analysis  of  vote  for  president 130 

Appendix,  showing  political  affiliations 132 

Bibliography 151 

Index  ..  ..  161 


CHAPTER  I. 

GENESIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS. 
1809-1834. 

Throughout  the  territorial  period,  and  even  before,  political 
factions  and  cliques  existed  in  Illinois.  Local  rather  than 
national  issues  determined  the  lines  of  cleavage ;  and  the  location 
of  these  lines  usually  depended  on  personal  adherences.  Prior 
to  about  1817,  the  bone  of  contention  was  the  judiciary;  one 
party  supported,  another  opposed,  the  system  as  it  existed.  Just 
before  the  government  was  changed  from  territorial  to  state,  the 
slave  question  began  to  assume  large  proportions.  Without  any 
known  reason  the  party  that  favored  the  judiciary  favored  the 
extension  of  slavery,  and  the  anti-judiciary  party  became  anti- 
extensionist.  The  struggle  over  the  admission  of  Missouri,  and 
the  subsequent  contest  over  the  proposition  to  legalize  slavery 
in  Illinois,  served  to  make  the  line  of  party  cleavage  more  dis- 
tinct and  to  crystalize  parties  and  factions.  These  parties  and 
factions,  with  variations,  persisted  down  to  the  time  when  the 
Whig  party  emerged  in  1834.1 

Ninian  Edwards,  governor  of  Illinois  Territory  from  1809 
to  1818,  was  the  leader  of  one  of  the  territorial  factions,  and  he 
continued  until  the  time  of  his  death  in  1833  to  be  one  of  the 
prominent  figures  in  Illinois  politics.  The*leader  of  the  faction 
opposed  to  Edwards  was  Shadrach  Bond,  who  was  the  first 
territorial  delegate  in  Congress  from  Illinois. 

Edwards  had  two  able  lieutenants  in  Nathaniel  Pope  and 
Daniel  Pope  Cook,  both  of  whom  held  appointive  offices  in  the 
territory.  Pope  was  the  first  territorial  secretary,  holding  that 
position  until  1816,  when  he  was  elected  delegate  to  Congress. 
Cook  came  to  the  territory  in  1815,  became  auditor  of  public 
accounts  the  next  year,  served  as  clerk  of  the  territorial  house 
of  representatives  from  1816  to  1818,  and  in  the  latter  year  was 

JThe  study  of  Illinois  politics  from  1809  to  about  1822  has  been 
unsatisfactory.  As  far  as  the  writer  has  been  able  to  ascertain  there  is 
little  contemporary  evidence  on  the  subject.  See,  however,  Washburne, 
Edwards,  no,  149,  150,  154,  159,  160;  Churchill-Lippincott,  (Third  Paper)  ; 
Western  Intelligencer,  August  21,  1816;  Edwardsville  Spectator,  December 
4,  1821 ;  W.  H.  Brown  in  Chicago  American,  December  22,  1840. 

9 


10  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [10 

elevated  to  the  judiciary.  Associated  with  Edwards,  Pope  and 
Cook  were  Thomas  C.  Browne  and  Pierre  Menard,  two  men 
whose  abilities,  although  of  a  different  order,  were  only  a  little 
less  than  those  of  the  leaders.  Both  served  in  the  territorial 
legislature,  the  latter  being  president  of  the  council  during  its 
entire  existence  from  1812  to  1818.  Among  the  close  political 
friends  of  Bond  were  Elias  Kent  Kane,  John  McLean,  Jesse 
Burgess  Thomas,  and  Michael  Jones.  Kane  and  Thomas  were 
territorial  judges  and  kept  up  a  continuous  controversy  with 
Edwards  over  the  functions  of  the  judiciary,2  McLean  was  a 
political  free  lance,  while  Jones  appears  to  have  opposed 
Edwards  on  personal  grounds.  Of  the  five  prominent  members 
of  the  Edwards  faction,  Pope,  Cook  and  Browne  were  natives 
of  Kentucky,  Menard  of  Canada,  and  Edwards  of  Maryland.3 
The  nativity  of  the  members  of  the  other  faction  differed  some- 
what :  Bond  and  Thomas  wrere  born  in  Maryland ;  Kane  in  New- 
York;  McLean  in  North  Carolina;  and  Jones  in  Pennsylvania. 
With  one  or  two  exceptions  all  the  ten  leaders  were  lawyers,  and 
at  least  three  had  had  college  training :  Kane  at  Yale,  Edwards 
at  Dickinson,  and  Pope  at  Transylvania. 

Around  Edwards  were  grouped  his  appointees,  their  friends, 
and  all  those  who  felt  that  adherence  to  him  would  further  their 
own  interests;  opposed  were  disappointed  office-seekers,  their 
friends,  those  hostile  to  authority  from  a  centralized  source,  and 
finally  that  frontier  element  which  confounded  liberty  with 
license,  and  hence  hated  legal  restraint.  Between  the  political 
poles  stood  the  great  majority  of  the  people.  The  division  among 
this  great  majority  was  transitory,  depending  very  much  upon 
personal  predilections  and  temporary  issues. 

^Western  Intelligencer,  August  21,  1816. 

3To  avoid  being  tedious,  references  in  this  work  to  such  statements 
as  nativity  are  omitted  unless  cpntroverted  and  necessary  for  proof. 
Besides  consulting  the  standard  biographies  and  other  works  on  Illinois 
history,  members  of  the  family  have  been  appealed  to,  and  on  some  occa- 
sions the  inscriptions  on  grave  stones  have  been  used.  Newspaper  adver- 
tisements, and  a  consultation  of  circuit  court  records  in  the  county 
archives  may  be  depended  upon  for  a  determination  of  profession  in  many- 
cases.  Likewise  in  cases  where  there  are  disputes  as  to  the  spelling  of 
proper  names,  the  spelling  found  in  contemporary  public  documents  has 
been  followed.  E.g.  T.  C.  Browne's  name  is  usually  spelled  "Brown", 
but  examination  of  the  Eddy  MSS.  and  court  records  shows  that  he  spelled 
it  with  an  "e". 


11]  GENESIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS   WHIGS  11 

The  intensity  of  the  political  strife  between  the  factions 
usually  depended  011  the  personal  feelings  of  the  leaders  of  one 
faction  toward  those  of  the  other,  and  not  upon  vital  issues; 
and  a  cessation  of  hostilities  oftentimes  merely  indicated  a 
friendly  understanding  among  the  leaders.  At  the  beginning 
of  Edwards'  administration  as  territorial  governor,  he  and  Bond 
are  said  to  have  been  personal  and  political  friends,  and  as  early 
as  June,  1813,  the  latter  wrote  to  Edwards  saying,  "I  agree  with 
you  that  each  one  shall  enjoy  his  own  opinion,  and  rest  assured 
that  I  shall  act  with  candor  and  sincerity  toward  you."4  Early 
in  1814,  Bond  complained  that  certain  people  in  the  territory 
were  endeavoring  to  cause  a  rupture  of  good  relationship  be- 
tween him  and  the  governor.3  Bond's  resignation  from  Congress 
in  October,  1814,  to  accept  the  position  of  receiver  of  public 
moneys  would  indicate  at  least  that  Edwards'  superiors  at  Wash- 
ington were  not  particularly  hostile  to  him  at  that  time. 

During  the  next  few  years  there  appears  to  have  been  a  lull 
in  political  activities,  but  in  1818  Bond  announced  his  candidacy 
for  territorial  delegate  to  Congress  in  opposition  to  that  of  his 
old  political  rival,  Nathaniel  Pope.  Before  the  end  of  the  sum- 
mer, however,  Bond  withdrew  as  a  candidate  for  delegate,  and 
entered  the  race  for  governor.6  For  this  office  he  had  no  opposi- 
tion.7 Menard,  one  of  four  candidates,  was  elected  lieutenant- 
governor.8  It  is  interesting  to  see  how  the  other  offices  were 
distributed ;  Bond  appointed  Kane  to  be  secretary  of  state ;  the 
General  Assembly  elected  Edwards  and  Thomas  United  States 
senators,  Cook  attorney  general,  Browne  and  Phillips  State 
Supreme  judges;  Pope  was  made  a  federal  judge,  McLean  was 
elected  to  Congress;  while  Jones  was  at  the  time  in  the  state 
senate. 

Thus  all  the  leaders  of  the  old  territorial  factions  received 
office.  It  is  too  much  to  say  in  the  absence  of  positive  proof, 
that  there  was  any  sort  of  a  deal  whereby  the  offices  were  dis- 
tributed between  the  old  factions,  but  when  the  unanimity  with 
which  the  various  officers  were  chosen  is  considered,  one  is  led 

4Washburne,  Edwards,  101. 

°Washburne,  Edwards,  no. 

'Illinois  Intelligencer,  June  17,  August  19,  1818. 

VMrf.  October  7,  1818. 

8The  candidates  for  lieutenant-governor  were:  Edward  N.  Cullom, 
Joseph  Kitchell,  P.  Menard,  and  William  L.  Reynolds.— Illinois  Intelligen- 
ce^ September  2,  1818. 


12  THE   ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [12 

to  believe  that  at  least  a  temporary  truce  had  been  declared. 
Such  a  conclusion  is  the  more  valid  in  the  light  of  subsequent 
events.  The  elections  were  scarcely  over  before  the  struggle 
reopened  with  increased  vigor. 

The  only  real  contest  during  the  first  year  of  statehood  was 
for  the  sole  seat  in  the  lower  house  of  Congress.  The  two  can- 
didates were  John  McLean  and  Daniel  Pope  Cook.  The  former 
was  a  resident  of  Gallatin,  the  latter  of  Randolph  County. 
Although  the  results  of  the  election  were  determined  largely  on 
the  basis  of  the  personal  popularity  of  the  candidates,  of  their 
recognized  adherence  to  the  old  parties,  and  of  the  geographical 
location  of  their  homes,  the  contest  was  characterized  by  the 
introduction  of  a  real  national  issue,  the  influence  of  which  must 
have  affected  the  campaign.  The  Missouri  question  had  by  this 
time  assumed  an  importance  that  justified  its  discussion  from 
the  stump.  Cook  took  what  may  for  convenience  be  called  an 
anti-slavery  attitude,  in  which  in  a  general  way  he  opposed  the 
extension  of  the  slavery  system.9  McLean  took  the  opposite 
view,  laying  stress  not  only  upon  the  right  of  the  state  to  regu- 
late its  domestic  affairs  independent  of  the  national  government, 
but  also  upon  the  desirability  and  value  of  slaves  in  any  com- 
munity where  they  could  be  worked  with  profit.  Cook  was 
beaten  by  the  slender  majority  of  fourteen,  but  that  campaign 
laid  the  foundation  for  a  successful  political  career  beginning 
the  next  year. 

Scarcely  less  important  politically  was  Edwards'  re-election 
to  the  Senate,  in  1819,  and  Bond's  hesitancy  in  coming  out 
openly  for  or  against  him.  In  drawing  for  terms  of  service 
in  the  United  States  Senate,  Edwards  had  drawn  the  shorter, 
which  ended  March  4,  1819,  scarcely  four  months  after  his 
election.  As  soon  as  this  fact  became  known,  opposition  to  his 
re-election  arose,  and  his  enemies  united  upon  Michael  Jones, 
who  was  an  adherent  of  the  old.  anti-Edwards  faction.  Feeling 
that  the  Edwards  party  was  the  stronger,  a  scheme  was  put  on 
foot  to  eliminate  Edwards  from  the  race  by  dividing  the  state 
into  two  senatorial  districts  so  arranged  that  Edwards  and 
Thomas  would  reside  in  the  same  district.10  The  friends  of  the 

'Illinois  Intelligencer,  July  29,  1818.  "I  shall  in  this  county  [Pope] 
get  a  large  vote,  about  one-half,  some  say  more.  I  made  a  speech  and 
excited  warm  opposition  from  slavemen,  but  still  warmer  support  from 
freemen."  Cook  to  Edwards,  August  3,  1818.  Washburne,  Edwards,  145. 

**Washburne,  Edwards,  149. 


13]  GENESIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS   WHIGS  13 

retiring  senator  were  able  to  defeat  the  measure  in  the  house; 
and  a  little  later  Edwards  was  re-elected  for  a  term  of  six  years, 
reeiving  twenty-three  votes  to  sixteen  for  Jones.11  During  this 
contest  Edwards  remained  at  his  post  at  "Washington.  He 
seems  to  have  believed  that  Bond  was  supporting  him,  but 
Cook,  who  was  at  Kaskaskia  watching  affairs,  knew  better  and 
so  informed  his  chief.12  The  truth  seems  to  be  that  Bond  was 
influenced  by  his  old  political  allies  to  abandon  Edwards  and 
assist  in  the  rehabilitation  of  the  territorial  faction  formerly 
opposed  to  Edwards.13  Bond  wavered,  however,  in  his  decision 
as  to  whether  or  not  he  would  support  Edwards,  and  by  so  doing 
he  allowed  the  leadership  of  the  anti-Edwards  party  to  pass 
into  the  hands  of  McLean,  Kane,  and  Thomas.14  Associated 
with  them  were  William  Kinney,  Dr.  Alexander,  "Willis  Har- 
grave,  Adolphus  Hubbard,  Robert  K.  McLaughlin  and  Michael 
Jones,  all  of  whom  afterwards  played  important  roles  in  the 
political  history  of  the  state.15 

The  congressional  campaign  of  1819  re-opened  the  slavery 
question  and  started  anew  the  discussion  of  Missouri's  admission 
into  the  union.  As  in  1818  the  candidates  were  Cook  and 
McLean.  Since  the  campaign  of  the  year  before,  the  Missouri 
question  had  become  more  acute ;  and  in  Illinois  the  people  fol- 
lowed with  intense  interest  the  congressional  debates  and  news- 
paper editorials  on  the  admission  of  Missouri.  They  took  this 
attitude  toward  the  question,  not  because  they  had  any  par- 
ticular interest  in  the  well-being  of  their  neighbors  across  the 
river,  but  rather  because  their  sympathies  for  and  against  the 
admission  of  Missouri  with  or  without  slavery,  reflected  their 
convictions  on  the  extension  of  slavery,  on  discrimination  against 
free  negroes,  and  on  the  sovereign  rights  of  a  state.  As  in  1818, 
McLean  took  a  pro-slavery  position,  and  Cook  the  opposite. 

^Senate  Journal,  1818-19,  p.  80. 

"Washburne,  Edwards,  150. 

"Washburne,  Edwards,  153. 

"Kane  was  apparently  the  only  one  of  the  three  to  remain  in  opposi- 
tion to  Edwards.  McLean  and  Edwards  seem  to  have  come  to  some  sort 
of  an  understanding,  for  in  1828  they  are  in  confidential  communication. 
See  Washburne,  Edwards,  343,  passim.  In  1826,  Thomas  is  said  to  have 
supported  Cook  and  been  friendly  to  Edwards.  See  Edwardsville  Spec- 
tator, September  15,  1826.  As  late  as  1830  Kane  and  Edwards  were  carry- 
ing on  a  bitter  newspaper  war.  See  Washburne,  Edwards,  496,  passim. 

"Washburne,  Edwards,  149,  150,  154,  159,  160. 


14  THE   ILLINOIS   WHIGS  [14 

After  an  exciting  campaign  in  which  the  slavery  question  played 
a  prominent  part,  Cook  was  elected  by  a  substantial  majority. 
Cook  was  certainly  not  an  abolitionist  as  the  term  came  to  be 
used,  nor  does  the  result  of  the  election  show  conclusively  the 
feeling  of  the  people  on  the  extension  of  slavery ;  yet  in  the  light 
of  the  well  known  attitude  of  each  candidate  on  the  question  of 
slavery,  it  may  safely  be  assumed  that  of  the  voters  who  put 
measures  before  men,  those  opposed  to  slavery  voted  for  Cook, 
while  the  conscious  friends  of  the  system  supported  McLean. 

The  intrusion  of  the  slavery  question  into  the  congressional 
elections  of  1818  and  1819  served  to  crystalize  parties.  Cook 
found  in  the  ranks  of  the  opposition  not  only  a  great  many  of  the 
members  of  the  anti-Edwards  party,  but  also  those  who  were 
inclined  to  resent  any  kind  of  interference  with  the  so-called 
Black  laws  in  the  states,  and  the  institution  of  slavery  in  both 
states  and  territories.  On  the  other  hand,  his  frank  denuncia- 
tion of  "slavemen"  brought  to  his  support  all  classes  to  which 
slavery  in  any  form  was  repungant.  Thus  the  old  territorial 
parties  were  being  gradually  reshaped.  Cook's  warm  opposition 
to  slavery  alienated  from  him  the  ultra  pro-slavery  members  of 
the  Edwards  party,  while  their  places  were  taken  in  part  by  anti- 
slavery  members  of  the  anti-Edwards  forces.  Against  Cook  are 
found  practically  all  the  leaders  favoring  a  call  for  a  constitu- 
tional convention  three  years  later,  but  the  men  that  were  to 
make  themselves  famous  for  their  sturdy  opposition  to  the  intro- 
duction of  slavery  in  1822-4,  had  not  yet  entered  the  political 
lists;  Birkbeck,  Warren,  Lippincott,  and  Peck  were  at  this  time 
wielding  an  effective  influence  against  slavery,  but  it  was  from 
the  pulpit  or  editorial  office,  not  from  the  stump.18 

Although  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  any  opposition  to  the 
re-election  of  President  Monroe  in  1820,  there  appear  to  have 
been  in  each  of  the  three  districts,  electoral  tickets  represent- 
ing the  two  parties  or  factions.,17  It  would  appear  that  each 

"This  is  illustrated  by  a  contemporary  account.  "The  subject  of 
slavery  was  discussed  in  the  court  yards,  sometimes  in  the  pulpits,  and  at 
all  gatherings  of  the  people,  as  well  as  in  the  presses,  and  on  the  stump 
throughout  the  state."  Reynolds,  My  Own  Times,  229. 

"Two  candidates  in  each  district  receiving  the  largest  vote  were : 
ist.,  James  B.  Moore — 259;  William  Kinney — 191. 
2nd.,  Michael  Jones — 441 ;  Peter  Kimmell — 90. 
3rd.,  Adolphus  F.  Hubbard— 238;  Charles  Campbell— 47. 
MSS.  Election  Returns   (Secretary  of  State's  Office,  Springneld.  Illi- 
nois.) 


15]  GENESIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  15 

faction  had  a  desire  to  honor  one  of  its  members  in  each  district 
by  choosing  him  to  be  presidential  elector,  but  to  what  extent 
the  factions  divided  over  the  issue  it  is  impossible  to  say.18  The 
election  resulted  in  the  choice  of  two  electors  of  the  anti-Edwards 
party,  Adolphus  F.  Hubbard  and  Michael  Jones,  and  one  of  the 
Edwards  party,  James  B.  Moore. 

At  the  preceding  August  election  the  anti-Edwards  party 
had  supported  Kane  for  Congress,  while  Cook  sought  re-elec- 
tion.19 Cook  exhibited  his  record  in  Congress  as  a  basis  for  his 
candidacy,  and  at  the  same  time  declared  his  intention  to  vote 
for  the  Missouri  Compromise.  The  result  of  the  election  sur- 
prised even  the  most  optimistic  Edwards  men ;  Kane  was  badly 
beaten,  carrying  but  four  counties.20 

When  the  troublesome  question  of  admitting  Missouri  into 
the  Union  had  been  settled,  it  was  found,  much  to  the  chagrin 
of  Cook's  pro-slavery  supporters,  that  he  had  voted  against  the 
Compromise.  His  political  enemies  planned  immediately  to  take 
advantage  of  what  seemed  to  them  to  be  a  very  unpopular  act. 
Accordingly,  in  1822,  they  supported  McLean  in  an  effort  to 
beat  Cook,  and  incidentally  to  lessen  the  power  of  Senator 
Edwards,  who  was  looming  large  in  national  politics.  In  spite 
of  the  defection  of  many  of  his  pro-slavery  supporters  of  two 
years  before,  Cook  was  re-elected.21  In  the  meantime  the  oppon- 
ents of  the  Missouri  Compromise  introduced  into  the  General 
Assembly  a  resolution  calling  upon  Edwards  and  Thomas  to 
resign  their  seats  in  the  United  States  Senate,  because,  as  the 

isln  the  presidential  election  held  November  6,  1820,  the  electors  were 
chosen  by  districts  designated  by  the  governor  on  September  4,  1820.  See 
Laws  of  Illinois,  1819,  p.  101. 

"Senator  Thomas  was  declared  to  be  the  head  of  the  anti-Edwards 
party  in  1820.  See  Edwardsville  Spectator,  August  29,  1820.  It  was  during 
this  campaign  that  an  acrimonious  press  dispute  took  place  between  Kane 
and  Edwards.  The  former  charged  that  the  latter  inspired  the  editorial 
writings  of  Warren.  To  this  charge  Edwards  replied  with  denials. 
Warren  took  up  the  controversy  and  denied  that  Edwards  owned  the 
Edwardsville  Spectator.  See  issues  of  the  Spectator,  July  25,  August  29, 
1820. 

"Result  of  election : 

Cook,  3568;  Kane,  2242;  scattering,  7.  The  four  counties  car- 
ried by  Kane  were  Wayne,  Alexander,  Crawford,  Edwards.  MSS.  Elec- 
tion Returns.  (Secretary  of  State's  Office,  Springfield,  Illinois.) 


16  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [16 

resolution  stated,  their  votes  "against  the  restriction  of  slavery 
in  Missouri"  did  not  represent  the  known  opinion  of  the  "people 
of  the  state  of  Illinois."22  The  resolution  was  voted  down  by  a 
small  majority,  but  its  introduction  and  support  indicate  at 
least  that  a  strong  element  in  the  state  was  prepared  to  refuse 
to  follow  the  leadership  of  men  who  held  materially  differ- 
ent opinions.  Edwards  came  in  for  greater  criticism  at 
the  hands  of  the  anti-slavery  people  than  did  Thomas,  for  he 
was  known  to  have  supported  Cook  against  the  pro-slavery 
crowd,  and  it  was  naturally  a  great  disappointment  to  the  anti- 
slavery  men  to  see  him  favoring  slavery.23 

The  continued  agitation  of  the  Missouri  Question  impressed 
the  people  with  the  growing  importance  of  slavery  as  a  political 
issue.  The  "friends  of  fredom"  were  repeatedly  warned  by 
Hooper  Warren,  editor  of  the  Edwardsville  Spectator,  that  plans 
were  under  way  to  repeal  the  anti-slavery  clause  of  the  state 
constitution.24  A  similar  warning  was  given  by  the  Missouri 
Republican."5  The  people  of  northern  Illinois  appear  to  have 
regarded  the  matter  much  more  seriously  than  did  their  neigh- 
bors in  the  southern  counties.  The  former  section  opposed  very 
generally  the  system  wherever  found,  while  the  latter  did  not 
become  aroused  until  slavery  threatened  to  encroach  upon  its 
own  limits. 

In  the  midst  of  the  slavery  controversy,  occurred  the  guber- 
natorial campaign  and  election  of  1822.  Four  candidates  offered 
themselves  for  governor;  they  were  Edward  Coles  of  Madison 

"House  Journal,  1820-21,  pp.  134-5. 

"In  a  written  communication  the  following  charges  were  made 
against  Edwards : 

1.  Supporting  Missouri  Compromise. 

2.  Declaring  in  public  that  he  approved  of  slavery. 

3.  Knowing    that    a    majority    of    people    of    Illinois    opposed 
slavery. 

4.  Holding  twenty-two  negroes  in  Missouri. 

Edwardsville  Spectator,  July  4,  1820. 

"Warren  specified  his  charge  under  four  heads:  (i)  Kane  to  be 
brought  out  by  the  pro-slavery  crowd  for  governor  in  1822;  (2)  Hall  had 
bought  KimmelPs  interest  in  the  Shawneetown  paper;  (3)  a  newspaper 
favorable  to  slavery  was  to  be  established  in  Edwardsville  by  Mr.  Street; 
(4)  Illinois  Intelligencer  had  been  persuaded  to  remain  neutral.  See 
Edwardsville  Spectator,  July  ir,  1820. 

"Issue  of  January  2,  1823. 


17]  GENESIS  OP  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  17 

County,  Joseph  Phillips  of  Randolph,  James  B.  Moore  of  Mon- 
roe, and  Thomas  C.  Browne  of  Gallatin.26 

Coles  was  an  outsider  even  in  a  country  where  precedent 
had  little  influence.  The  very  fact  that  he  had  come  to  Illinois 
only  a  few  years  before  he  announced  himself  for  governor  was 
against  him.  Moreover  he  had  come  in  the  role  of  a  federal 
office  holder.  Coles  was  the  first  to  announce  his  candidacy, 
and  the  fact  was  not  disguised  that  he  stood  forth  as  an  opponent 
of  slavery.  The  saving  grace  of  his  candidacy  was  that  he  held 
no  connection  with  either  of  the  old  parties  and  hence  had  the 
enmity  of  neither.  Besides  he  was  in  a  position  to  build  up  a 
following  among  the  newer  settlers  in  the  northern  counties,  who 
knew  little  and  cared  less  for  the  squabbles  of  the  old  factions. 
A  correspondent  in  speaking  of  his  candidacy  said:  "He  may 
not  have  received  any  pledge  of  support  from  either  of  the  old 
parties,  which  have  so  long  divided  this  state,"  while  another 
pointed  out  that  such  a  circumstance  was  greatly  in  his  favor.27 
Although  the  columns  of  the  Edwardsvttle  Spectator  were 
thrown  open  to  Coles  and  his  friends,  its  editor,  Hooper  Warren, 

MThe  idea  has  generally  been  accepted  that  Coles  and  Moore  polled 
the  anti-slavery  vote,  while  Phillips  and  Browne  were  the  out  and  out 
slavery  candidates.  Upon  this  belief  as  an  hypothesis  the  natural  conclu- 
sion has  been  drawn  that  a  great  majority  of  the  people  in  Illinois  in  the 
year  1822  was  favorable  to  slavery  for  the  simple  reason  that  Coles'  and 
Moore's  combined  vote  was  less  by  some  2000  than  the  combined  vote  of 
Phillips  and  Browne.  In  the  light  of  such  a  supposition  and  the  large 
majority  polled  against  slavery  in  1824,  the  inference  has  been  made  that 
the  pro-slavery  strength  of  1822  was  more  than  offset  by  the  anti-slavery 
immigration  that  came  into  the  northern  counties  during  those  two  years. 
It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  northern  counties  did  receive  a  considerable 
anti-slavery  immigration  between  1822  and  1824,  nor  can  it  be  reasonably 
doubted  that  Coles'  vote  was  largely  anti-slavery;  the  error  arises  in 
supposing  that  the  vote  for  Phillips  and  Browne  represented  the  pro- 
slavery  strength.  The  lines  dividing  the  anti-slavery  and  pro-slavery 
parties  were  cut  and  recut  by  other  party  lines,  many  of  which  were  too 
rigid  to  give  way  under  the  stress  of  the  slavery  agitation  of  1822.  On 
account  of  such  conditions  the  issue  has  remained  clouded,  and  not  until 
the  political  alignments  are  clearly  understood  can  any  definite  determina- 
tions be  made.  Warren  gives  a  good  view  of  the  situation  in  Edwards- 
villc  Spectator,  February  6,  1821. 

"Edwardsville  Spectator,  December  5,  1821. 


18  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [18 

opposed  his  candidacy.-8  Here  is  seen  the  spectacle  of  two  of 
the  leading  anti-slavery  leaders  out  of  harmony  at  a  time  when 
both  professed  to  believe  that  the  pro-slavery  forces  were  plot- 
ting the  disgrace  of  the  state ;  and  in  refusing  to  sink  their  dif- 
ferences they  almost  brought  about  the  very  thing  they  were 
trying  to  prevent. 

The  second  candidate  in  point  of  time  was  Joseph  Phillips, 
chief  justice  of  the  state  supreme  court.  Warren  attacked  his 
candidacy  with  great  bitterness,  charged  him  with  being  the 
leader  of  the  pro-slavery  forces,  and  declared  that  he  had  made 
an  unholy  alliance  with  the  "ministerial  officers  of  the  state."29 
The  pro-slavery  press  called  on  the  "Friends  of  Liberal  Prin- 
ciples" to  support  Phillips  for  governor.30  In  the  light  of  public 
utterances  of  both  parties  there  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that 
Phillips  was  friendly  to  the  introduction  of  slavery. 

The  third  candidate  was  James  B.  Moore,  who  was  an  old 
soldier,  having  served  writh  the  "rangers"  during  the  War  of 
1812.  So  far  as  an  examination  of  contemporary  newspapers 
discloses  he  had  no  other  platform  than  a  desire  to  obtain  the 
highest  office  in  the  state.  His  neighbors  claimed  that  the  next 
governor  ought  to  come  from  Monroe  County,  and  because  of 
this  feeling  they  supported  his  candidacy.31 

The  fourth  candidate  to  offer  himself  was  Browne,  who  at 
the  time  was  associated  on  the  state  supreme  bench  with  Judge 
Phillips.  Browne  was  a  close  friend  of  Edwards,  and  used 
Warren's  paper  to  put  his  candidacy  before  the  people.32  It 
would  be  true  to  say  that  Browne  was  ambitious  for  office  at 
this  time  as  he  was  all  through  life,  yet  the  fact  that  he  used  a 
paper  supported  by  Edwards  and  edited  by  Warren  as  a  means 
for  getting  political  support  is  something  more  than  a  coinci- 
dence. None  of  the  three  other  candidates  wras  acceptable  to 
Edwards  and  Warren,  hence  the  bringing  out  of  Browne  by  the 
Edwards  party.  With  this  fact  established  there  remains  to  be 
examined  the  relation  between  Browne's  candidacy  and  the 
slavery  question.  Just  what  his  personal  attitude  was  has 

• 

"W.  H.  Brown  in  Chicago  American,  December  22,  1840;  Edwards- 

Spectator,  October  30,  December  4,  1821. 

'"Edi^ardsi'tile  Spectator,  April  17,  1821. 

"Illinois  Intelligencer,  July  3,  1821. 

3lEdu.'ardsi'ille  Spectator,  October  24,  1820. 

"See  Edwardsville  Spectator,  July  22,  1822. 


19]  GENESIS  OP  THE  ILLINOIS   WHIGS  19 

failed  to  be  recorded.33  Yet  it  would  have  been  the  height  of 
inconsistency  for  Warren  not  to  have  attacked  Browne's  candi- 
dacy, had  it  been  brought  forward  to  secure  the  election  of 
Phillips,  as  some  have  said,34  or  to  further  the  slavery  interests 
in  any  way  whatever.  If  Warren  had  supported  a  candidate 
who  stood  for  slavery,  he  was  either  a  knave  or  a  fool;  yet  he 
was  neither.  Browne  is  known  to  have  favored  a  canal  from 
the  lakes  to  the  Mississippi,  and  this  project  was  being  opposed 
by  the  pro-slavery  party.  In  taking  this  attitude  Browne  was 

^On  account  of  Browne's  candidacy  being  the  disturbing  element  in 
this  campaign,  his  platform  is  well  worth  preservation,  and  is  given  below. 
Fellow  Citizens  : 

It  is  a  very  common  thing  for  candidates  for  the  suffrage  of  the 
people  to  make  the  tender  of  their  services  with  an  apology  of  having 
been  induced  thereto  by  the  solicitation  of  numerous  friends  and  acquaint- 
ances, and  to  gratify  the  wish  of  a  large  proportion  of  the  people.  I  am 
not  going  to  make  this  apology  or  that  such  preference  was  made  with 
reference  to  my  candidacy,  for  in  most  cases  their  choice  is  their  own, 
but  candor,  I  think,  is  best  at  all  times.  I  am  free  to  confess  the  plain 
honest  truth  that  in  becoming  a  candidate  for  governor  that  I  have  been 
influenced  mainly  by  my  own  desire  to  fill  that  important  position  and  to 
acquire  the  honorable  reputation  by  discharging  these  duties  with  impar- 
tial fidelity  and  usefulness.  It  has,  I  am  informed,  been  objected  to  me 
that  I  am  opposed  to  a  canal  for  connecting  the  waters  of  Lake  Michigan 
and  Illinois  River.  Nothing  could  be  less  true  I  assure  you.  A  friend 
to  internal  improvements  and  to  the  most  direct  and  easy  intercommunica- 
tion between  the  different  parts  of  our  happy  nation,  I  consider  the  con- 
nection of  the  northern  lakes  with  our  own  waters  not  only  calculated  to 
produce  great  political  and  commercial  advantages,  but  also  to  piomole 
immigration  to  our  own  state,  a  hope  which  no  true  friend  TO  it  can  t^gard 
with  indifference.  In  conclusion  fellow  citizens  I  have  only  to  remark 
that  should  I  be  elected  (which  by  the  kind  efforts  of  the  people  I  believe 
I  will)  it  shall  be  my  constant  endeavor  by  every  effort  in  my  power 
to  advance  our  agricultural,  commercial  and  manufacturing  interests ;  to 
promote  education  throughout  the  state  with  equal  regard  to  the  just 
claims  of  each  respective  community,  and  to  protect  the  political,  civil 
and  just  rights  of  all  and  each  one  of  my  fellow  citizens  with  equal  right 
impartially. — Edwardsville  Spectator,  July  22,  1822. 

MSee  Washburne,  Coles,  59.  Phillips  expressed  the  opinion  in  a 
private  letter  that  the  coming  out  of  other  candidates  was  not  to  assist 
his  candidacy  but  to  hurt  it.  He  was  apparently  speaking  of  Browne's 
candidacy.  See  Sloo  Correspondence,  51. 


20  THE   ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [20 

in  full  accord  with  the  principles  advanced  and  supported  by 
Edwards  and  his  party.33 

It  was  considered  by  one  who  participated  in  the  slavery 
struggle  of  1824  that  the  real  contest  lay  between  Phillips  and 
Browne.30  In  fighting  each  other  the  leaders  of  the  old  factions 
failed  to  take  into  consideration  the  new  vote  in  the  northern 
part  of  the  state.  Unlike  their  neighbors  in  the  southern  counties 
the  northern  settlers  regarded  the  slavery  question  with  great 
seriousness.  To  them  the  struggle  of  the  old  parties  appeared 
secondary  to  the  more  important  one  against  slavery.  Thus 
these  people  were  very  much  in  earnest  in  their  opposition  to 
any  candidate  whose  public  record  or  utterances  from  the  stump 
stamped  him  as  friendly  to  slavery;  and  they  formed  a  third 
party,  which  was  strikingly  sectional.37  This  section  comprised 
the  northern  and  central  counties,  only  one  of  which  McLean, 
the  pro-slavery  candidate  for  Congress,  was  able  to  carry. 

The  indifference  to  the  question  of  slavery  as  manifested  by 
the  supporters  of  Browne  and  Phillips  in  the  southern  counties 
offers  a  striking  contrast  to  the  above.  At  the  same  election 
Cook,  the  anti-slavery  candidate  for  Congress,  carried  seventeen 
counties,  of  which  five  gave  majorities  or  pluralities  for  Phillips 
and  three  for  Browne.  Cutting  across  all  party  and  factional 
lines  and  adding  confusion  to  the  situation,  was  the  large  vote 
polled  by  the  respective  candidates  in  their  own  neighborhoods. 
Thus  McLean  and  Browne,  both  of  whom  were  from  the  eastern 
side  of  the  state,  were  favorites  in  that  section ;  while  Cook  and 
Phillips  received  the  support  of  their  neighbors  in  the  western 
counties. 

"See  Illinois  Intelligencer,  July  21,  1824.  In  a  communication  ap- 
parently intended  for  publication,  Edwards  states  clearly  that  the  pro- 
slavery  people  had  opposed  the  canal.  See  N.  Edwards,  Communication, 
August  Election,  1828.  (Eddy  AfSS.)  Before  Browne  became  a  candi- 
date Edwards  was  urged  to  offer  himself  for  governor.  See  Washburne, 
Edwards,  190.  Edwards'  opposition  to  Coles  may  have  been  due  to  his 
opposition  to  Crawford.  Edwards  was  a  zealous  Calhoun  man,  and  sup- 
ported that  statesman  for  years.  See  Sloo,  Correspondence,  77. 

*\V.  H.  Brown  in  Chicago  American,  December  22,  1840. 

^See  Edwardsvillc  Spectator,  December  4,  1821. 


21]  GENESIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  21 

Coles  was  elected,  but  by  a  plurality  vote ;  he  received  less 
than  one-third  of  all  the  votes  cast  at  the  election.38  The  original 
election  schedules  with  a  few  exceptions  have  been  lost  or 
destroyed.  Those  remaining  offer  an  opportunity  for  partial 
reconstruction  of  parties  and  tickets.  Of  the  147  voters  support- 
ing Coles  in  Springfield  Township,  Sangamon  County,  but  34 
supported  McLean  for  Congress.  The  86  votes  for  Phillips  and 
the  14  for  Browne,  were  distributed  in  each  case  between  the 
candidates  for  Congress,  Cook  and  McLean,  in  the  ratio  of  8 
to  6.39  In  Vandalia,  the  state  capital,  those  voting  for  Coles 
very  generally  voted  for  Cook.  In  East  Fork  Township  of  the 
same  county,  Coles,  Phillips  and  Browne  each  received  8  votes; 
Cook  received  6  of  the  Coles  votes,  4  of  the  Phillips  votes,  and 
2  of  the  Browne  votes.  Bankson  Township  of  the  same  county 
offers  an  extreme  illustration  of  political  vagary.  In  that  town- 
ship Coles  received  16  votes,  Phillips  17,  Moore  1,  and  Browne 
2 ;  and  every  one  of  the  36  voted  for  Cook.40  In  a  way  these  few 
cases  are  typical.41  Coles  and  Cook  very  generally  received  the 
support  of  the  same  voters,  while  those  supporting  Browne  and 
Phillips  divided  their  votes  between  McLean  and  Cook,  their 
individual  preferences  resting  upon  factional  adherence,  personal 
following,  sectional  pride,  and  in  some  cases  upon  national 
issues. 

The  result  of  the  election  was  not  so  much  a  victory  for 
freedom  as  it  was  one  for  the  new  party  in  the  northern  counties. 
It  demonstrated  the  fact  that  thenceforth  this  new  element  in 
the  state  must  be  considered  in  political  contests.  More  than  that 

38The  vote  for  governor  was  distributed  among  the  candidates  as 
follows :  Coles,  2854 ;  Phillips,  2687 ;  Browne,  2443 ;  Moore,  622. 

MSS.  Election  Returns  (Secretary  of  State's  Office,  Springfield,  Illi- 
nois). 

Coles  should  be  credited  with  one  vote  more  than  shown  in  the  re- 
turns in  the  secretary  of  state's  office  owing  to  a  mistake  in  making  up 
the  totals  in  Fayette  County. 

"MSS.  Election  Returns  (Sangamon  County  Court  House,  Spring- 
field, Illinois.) 

"MSS.  Election  Returns  (Fayette  County  Court  House,  Vandalia, 
Illinois.) 

"The  election  returns  for  Edwards  County,  which  are  only  frag- 
mentary, illustrate  sectional  loyalty.  Browne,  who  held  court  in  that 
county,  was  very  generally  supported  by  the  voters  of  Albion,  the  county 
seat 


22  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [22 

it  brought  to  the  front  new  men,  and  paved  the  way  for  new 
political  alignments;  it  showed  that  the  political  center  of 
gravity  had  moved  northward  since  the  organization  of  the  state ; 
in  a  word  it  brought  prominently  to  the  front  the  importance  of 
issues  and  principles,  and  tended  to  subordinate  personality  as  a 
political  force. 

During  the  campaign  of  1822  there  arose  a  respectable 
demand  for  calling  a  convention  to  change  the  state  constitu- 
tion. The  friends  of  slavery  very  generally  favored  the  conven- 
tion proposition,  and  justified  their  position  by  pointing  out  the 
advisability  of  changing  the  constitutional  provision  regulating 
the  judiciary.  They  emphasized  the  fact  that  the  constitution 
of  1818  had  never  been  formally  accepted  by  the  people  at  the 
polls,  and  some  even  questioned  its  legality.  All  this  the  anti- 
slavery  leaders  professed  to  believe  was  a  subterfuge  for  legaliz- 
ing slavery  by  a  constitutional  amendment.  The  introduction 
of  open-and-above-board  slavery  could  be  brought  about  only 
by  an  amendment  to  the  constitution,  for  that  instrument  forbade 
slavery  except  in  a  few  special  and  relatively  unimportant 
cases;42  and  amending  the  constitution  was  possible  only  by 
means  of  a  constitutional  convention,  the  calling  of  which  de- 
pended upon  the  recommendation  of  "two-thirds  of  the  General 
Assembly,"  and  finally  by  a  majority  vote  of  the  people.43 

The  anti-slavery  forces  very  generally  opposed  all  agitation 
on  the  question  of  changing  the  constitution,  and  in  fact  any 
discussion  that  might  lead  to  a  demand  for  such  a  change.  Gov- 

42There  has  been  considerable  speculation  about  the  slavery  clause  in 
the  constitution  of  1818.  The  Illinois  Republican,  June  30,  1824,  states 
that  the  constitutional  convention  of  1818  was  made  up  of  21  anti-slavery 
and  12  pro-slavery  members.  (Quoted  in  Churchill-Lippincott,  Ninth 
Paper.)  It  is  certain  that  the  question  of  slavery  was  discussed  at  the 
convention.  The  opinion  got  abroad  that  slavery  was  to  be  legalized  by 
the  constitution,  and  as  a  result  an  address  against  the  system  was  sent 
to  the  convention.  Because  of  the  prominence  of  some  of  its  signers  in 
politics  at  a  later  date,  their  names  are  here  given :  from  St.  Clair  County, 
Risdon  Moore,  Benj.  Waits,  Jacob  Ogle,  Joshua  Oglesby,  William  Scott, 
ST.,  William  Biggs,  George  Blair,  Charles  R.  Matheny,  James  Garretson, 
William  Kinney;  from  Madison  County,  William  B.  Whiteside;  from 
Monroe  County,  James  Lemon,  Sr. ;  from  Washington  County,  W.  H. 
Bradsby— Illinois  Intelligencer,  August  5.  1818.  Kane  was  said  to  have 
been  in  favor  of  legalizing  slavery,  but  in  1820  he  denied  that  such  was 
the  case.  See  Edwardsville  Spectator,  July  25,  1820. 

"Constitution,  1818,  Art.  VII.,  par.  i. 


23]  GENESIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS   WHIGS  23 

ernor  Coles,  however,  seems  not  to  have  taken  this  attitude.  In 
his  inaugural  address  delivered  before  the  joint  session  of  the 
two  houses,  he  boldly  and  perhaps  unexpectedly  to  all  parties, 
urged  the  advisability  of  radical  legislation  regarding  negroes 
both  free  and  slave.44  It  was  his  expressed  desire  not  only  to 
remove  all  legal  restrictions  imposed  upon  free  negroes,  but 
what  was  more  important,  to  set  in  motion  legislation  that  would 
make  Illinois  a  free  state  in  fact  as  well  as  in  name.  In  both 
branches  of  the  General  Assembly  the  pro-slavery  element  was 
in  the  majority,  yet  that  part  of  the  governor's  message  relating 
to  negroes  was  received  with  apparent  approval. 

The  General  Assembly  hearkened  to  Coles'  admonitions  but 
hardly  in  the  way  he  expected.  A  committee  on  "abrogation 
of  slavery  and  the  kidnapping  of  free  negroes"  was  selected  in 
each  house,  and  on  both  committees  friends  of  the  proposition 
to  make  Illinois  a  slave  state  predominated.45  The  temper  of 
the  conventionists,  a  term  usually  applied  to  those  favoring  a 
convention  to  amend  the  constitution,  is  expressed  in  the  report 
of  the  senate  select  committee  :  ' '  Illinois  was  admitted  into  the 
Union  upon  an  equal  footing  with  the  original  states  in  all  re- 
spects whatever;  and  .  .  .  the  people  of  Illinois  have  now 
the  same  right  to  alter  their  constitution  as  the  people  of  the 
state  of  Virginia,  or  any  of  the  original  states."40  Thus  the 
pioneer  lawmakers  of  Illinois  struck  at  the  very  root  of  the 
question  when  they  challenged  the  validity  of  the  Ordinance 
of  1787.  There  were  able  arguments  for  and  against  the  position 
taken  by  the  committee,  and  a  majority  of  the  members  of  the 
'General  Assembly  accepted  the  doctrine  as  sound. 

"In  a  letter  to  Nicholas  Biddle,  Coles  gives  the  reason  for  his  un- 
expected move  against  slavery.  "Knowing  that  this  measure  would  be 
strenuously  urged  during  the  late  session  of  the  Legislature,  and  that 
many  who  professed  to  be  hostile  to  the  further  introduction  of  Slavery, 
would  advocate  it,  and  believing  that  it  would  have  a  salutary  effect  to 
furnish  them  an  opportunity  of  evincing  the  sincerity  of  their  profes- 
sions ...  I  called  the  attention  of  the  Legislature  to  the  existence  of 
Slavery  in  the  State,  in  violation  of  the  great  fundamental  principles  of 
the  ordinance,  and  recommended  that  just  and  equitable  provision  be  made 
for  its  abrogation."  Washburne,  Coles,  147-8. 

43The  personnel  of  the  senate  committee  is  significant  in  the  light 
of  future  politics:  Boon,  Ladd,  Kinney  and  Beaird. — Senate  Journal, 
1822-3,  p.  33. 

"Senate  Journal,  1822-3,  p.  16  passim. 


24  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [24 

The  struggle  in  the  General  Assembly  over  the  proposition 
to  recommend  to  the  voters  the  calling  of  a  constitutional  con- 
vention was  extremely  bitter  and  served  to  divide  the  slavery 
men  from  the  anti-slavery  men.  Hitherto  many  had  held  an 
uncertain  position,  but  with  the  realization  that  the  legislative 
journals  would,  bear  evidence  of  their  position,  those  wavering 
took  definite  positions  for  or  against  slavery.  The  friends  of 
slavery  were  not  only  in  the  majority,  but  they  were  led  by  more 
able  leaders  than  were  their  opponents.47  After  considerable 
manoeuvering  on  the  part  of  the  conventionists  the  question 
came  to  a  vote  and  fell  short  of  the  necessary  two-thirds  by  one 
vote.  Finally  the  measure  passed  the  senate  by  a  vote  of  twelve 
to  six,  and  the  single  vote  in  the  house  necessary  to  make  the 
required  two-thirds  majority  was  secured  by  reopening  an 
earlier  election  contest,  and  unseating  Hansen  of  Pike  County, 
who  had  voted  in  the  negative.  The  next  day,  February  12, 1823, 
the  measure  passed  the  house  by  a  vote  of  twenty-four  to  twelve, 
and  the  question  of  a  constitutional  convention  was  legally  sub- 
mitted to  the  people  for  their  consideration,  with  the  tacit  under- 
standing that  a  convention  meant  the  introduction  of  slavery 
into  the  state.48 

"Perhaps  the  most  prominent  pro-slavery  leader  was  Alexander  Pope 
Field,  Jackson  man  in  1824,  anti-Van  Buren  in  1836,  Whig  in  1840  and 
afterwards,  and  later  a  Unionist  in  Louisiana. 

"Senate  Journal,  1822-3,  p.  161  ff. ;  House  Journal,  1822-3,  p.  200 
passim.  So  much  has  been  said  about  the  real  feeling  of  the  people  on 
the  question  of  slavery,  that  it  seems  worth  while  at  this  place  to  examine 
the  relation  of  the  members  of  the  General  Assembly  to  their  respective 
constituencies.  Upon  the  basis  of  the  vote  for  and  against  a  convention 
in  1824,  the  following  conclusions  and  facts  are  presented : 

1.  With  the  exception  of  Emmett  (White)  and  Mather  (Ran- 
dolph)  all  the  anti-conventionists  really  represented  their  respective 
constituencies. 

2.  Of  the  twenty-four  conventionists,  thirteen  were  from  con- 
vention counties  (i.e.,  those  giving  a  majority  vote  in  favor  of  calling 
a  convention),  ten  from  anti-convention  counties,  and  one  from  a 
county   (Johnson)   that  was  evenly  divided  for  and  against  a  con- 
vention. 

In  the  election  of  members  of  the  General  Assembly  in  1824,  three 
anti-convention  candidates  were  defeated  in  anti-convention  counties  as 
follows : 

I.    Lowery  was  beaten  in  Clark  and  Edgar  by  Archer,  another 


25]  GENESIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  25 

The  year  and  a  half  convention  campaign  (February  12, 
1823-August  3,  1824)  was  long  drawn  out  and  hard  fought. 
Leadership  was  recruited  from  every  available  source.  Many 
prominent  men,  particularly  those  who  had  come  to  the  state 
since  1818,  had  hitherto  interested  themselves  very  little  in  the 
personal  and  political  struggles  between  Edwards  and  his 
enemies;  but  with  the  coming  to  the  front  of  the  slavery  ques- 
tion they  threw  off  their  indifference  and  assumed  the  role  of 
leaders.  During  the  discussion  of  the  Missouri  question  these 
same  men  had  been  content  to  denounce  the  system  of  slavery 
in  generalities,  but  with  its  threatened  encroachment  upon  their 
homes  they  went  seriously  to  the  task  of  exposing  the  evils  inci- 
dent to  it  by  the  use  of  specific  arguments.  Pressure  was 
brought  to  bear  upon  all  the  newspapers  in  the  state  to  compel 
them  to  take  sides  in  the  controversy,  and  their  scathing  and 
acrimonious  editorials  and  signed  articles  brought  forth  bitter 
replies.49  Counties,  towns,  neighborhoods,  and  even  families 
were  divided,30  and  personal  encounters  between  over-zealous 
partizans  were  not  at  all  uncommon.  The  conventionists  threat- 
ened to  import  voters  from  the  old  slave  states,  and  to  prevent 
this  the  anti-conventionists  organized  themselves  into  societies 
and  appointed  vigilance  committees.51  The  anti-conventionists 

anti-convention  man. 

2.  McGahey  was  beaten  in  Crawford,  where  there  were  five 
candidates,  he  being  second  and  having  fifty-five  votes  less  than  the 
successful  candidate. 

3.  G.  T.  Pell  was  beaten  in  Edwards. 

Mather,  anti-conventionist,  was  re-elected  in  a  convention  county. 
In  this  election,  five  conventionists  were  beaten  as  follows : 

1.  Alexander  in  Monroe,  anti-convention  county. 

2.  Campbell  in  Wayne,  convention  county. 

3.  Field  in  Union,  anti-convention  county. 

4.  Shaw  in  Pike,  anti-convention  county. 

5.  West  in  Madison,  anti-convention  county. 

MSS.  Election  Returns  (Secretary  of  State's  Office,  Springfield,  Illi- 
nois). 

**E.g.  see  Illinois  Intelligencer,  February  15,  1823 ;  Scott,  Illinois- 
Newspapers,  340. 

""With  us  the  Convention  is  the  most  interesting  subject.  It  is  a 
dish  which  is  daily,  nay  hourly  served  up.  ...  Party  feeling  is  carried 
further  here  than  it  ever  was  in  Massachusetts." — Portfolio,  XVII.,  524. 

"W.  Kinkade  to  A.  Williams,  September  15,  1823.  (Williams- 
Woodbury  MSS.) 


26  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [26 

based  their  arguments  against  a  convention  on  purely  anti- 
filavery  principles.  They  contended  that  the  introduction  of 
slavery  was  morally  wrong  and  economically  unwise.'"'-  The 
conventionists  argued  in  some  quarters  that  the  constitution 
needed  revising  and  denied  that  it  was  their  intention  to  bring 
up  the  question  of  slavery.  In  other  quarters  they  came  out 
boldly  for  the  introduction  of  slavery,  and  pointed  out  the 
necessity  for  such  "action  if  the  Yankees  were  to  be  kept  from 
the  state.1''3 

An  examination  of  the  personnel  of  the  two  parties  is  worth 
while,  in  that  it  offers  the  opportunity  for  a  study  of  section- 
alism and  later  political  affiliations.  Of  the  thirty  leading  anti- 
conventionists,  fifteen  appear  to  have  been  born  in  the  North, 
fourteen  in  the  South,  and  one  in  England ;  and  aside  from  that 
distinctive  group  of  newcomers  represented  by  such  men  as 
Hooper  Warren,  George  Churchill,  and  Governor  Coles,  the 
principal  element  in  the  make-up  of  this  leadership  owed 
nominal  allegiance  to  the  Edwards  party.  If  from  the  conven- 
tionist  forces,  fifty  of  the  most  prominent  leaders  be  chosen,  it 
is  found  that  some  twenty-eight  or  thirty  were  natives  of  the 
South,  about  fifteen  of  the  North,  five  of  Europe,  and  one  of 
Illinois.54  On  account  of  the  large  percentage  of  northerners 
found  in  the  leadership  of  both  parties,  two  very  important 
questions  are  raised :  Was  the  strength  of  the  northern  element 
in  Illinois  at  that  time  greater  than  has  generally  been  suspect- 
ed, or  did  the  members  of  that  element  hold  office  and  assume 

saln  a  letter  to  Governor  Coles,  Robert  Vaux  lays  bare  the  arguments 
of  the  anti-conventionists :  "One  of  these  tracts  is  designed  to  show  the 
impolicy  and  unprofitableness  of  slave  labor.  .  .  .  Another  essay  ex- 
hibits a  succinct  account  of  the  cruelties  of  the  slave  trade.  .  .  ;  and 
a  third  pamphlet  is  intended  to  show  that  the  interminable  bondage  of 
any  portion  of  the  human  race  is,  on  the  part  of  the  oppressors,  a  flagrant 
violation  of  natural  and  Divine  Justice,  and  utterly  inconsistent  with  the 
doctrines  of  our  Holy  Redeemer." — Washburne,  Coles,  158-9. 

"'Illinois  Republican,  July  21,  1824. 

**To  avoid  any  criticism  that  might  arise  from  taking  a  selected 
group  of  leaders  of  either  party,  every  member  of  the  General  Assembly 
of  1822-3,  and  all  others  listed  by  contemporary  accounts  as  conven- 
tionists or  anti-conventionists  have  been  included  in  the  above  list.  It  is 
impossible  to  give  all  references  to  data  of  nativity,  but  the  most  helpful 
sources  have  been  Washburne,  Coles,  106  ff . ;  Illinois  Intelligencer,  January 
il,  1823;  Missouri  Republican,  January  29,  1823. 


27]  GENESIS  OP  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  27 

leadership  out  of  all  proportion  to  its  voting  strength?  When 
more  thorough  investigations  have  been  made  it  is  likely  that 
both  questions  will  be  answered  in  the  affirmative.55 

The  election  of  1824  (August  3)  resulted  in  a  complete  vic- 
tory for  the  anti-slavery  forces.  Not  only  was  the  convention 
proposition  defeated  by  a  large  majority,  but  Cook,  against 
whom  the  convention  forces  had  pitted  Governor  Bond,  was 
re-elected  to  Congress.  The  counties  that  had  supported  Coles 
for  governor  in  1822,  declared  very  generally  against  the  propo- 
sition to  call  a  convention,  but  the  anti-convention  vote  in  these 
counties  would  have  been  of  no  avail  without  the  assistance  of 
the  anti-convention  elements  in  the  southern  parts  of  the  state. 
Although  Coles  had  received  but  four  per  cent,  of  the  entire  vote 
cast  in  Alexander  County  in  1822,  the  convention  forces  were 
able  to  carry  that  county  by  only  a  small  majority;  and  the 
election  returns  of  Gallatin,  Johnson,  Franklin,  Wayne,  Ran- 
dolph and  Jefferson  counties  show  that  hundreds  who  voted  for 
Browne  or  Phillips  in  1822,  voted  against  the  convention  two 
years  later.  In  none  of  the  counties  mentioned  had  the  Coles 
vote  been  greater  than  fifteen  per  cent.,  yet  the  vote  against  a 
convention  varied  from  eighteen  per  cent,  in  Gallatin  to  forty- 
five  per  cent,  in  Randolph  County.  Although  Coles  had  received 
a  little  more  than  seventeen  per  cent,  of  the  entire  vote  in 
Lawrence  and  Union  counties,  less  than  two-fifths  of  the  voters 
in  those  counties  gave  their  support  to  the  convention  proposi- 
tion. 

On  account  of  the  all-absorbing  slavery  question,  the  presi- 
dential election  of  1824  received  scant  attention  at  the  hands 
of  the  voters,  and  contemporary  accounts  differ  as  to  the  rela- 
tion between  the  conventionists  and  anti-conventionists  on  the 
one  hand,  and  the  presidential  candidates  on  the  other.  The 
election  returns  indicate  that  Adams '  greater  strength  was  in  the 
counties  in  which  the  anti-conventionists  were  in  the  majority; 
in  fact  every  county  carried  by  Adams  gave  a  majority  against 
the  convention.  Yet  his  strength  in  the  convention  counties 

85 An  examination  of  the  Edwardsville  Spectator  for  the  years  1820-6, 
and  the  Missouri  Republican  for  the  same  period  throws  light  on  this 
question.  In  the  notice  of  deaths  one  is  struck  by  the  fact  that  in  those 
notices  in  which  the  nativity  of  the  deceased  is  given,  a  majority  is  from 
free  states.  S.  J.  Buck,  The  New  England  Element  in  Illinois  Politics 
before  1833.  (Proceedings  of  the  Mississippi  Valley  Historical  Associa- 
tion, 1912-13,  p.  49,  ff.) 


28  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [28 

along  the  Mississippi  River  was  very  respectable.  Of  the  twelve 
counties  carried  by  Jackson,  nine  gave  majorities  for,  and  two 
against,  the  convention,  and  in  the  twelfth  county  the  vote  was 
a  tie.  Clay  was  the  choice  of  three  counties  only,  all  of  which 
opposed  calling  a  convention,  but  in  four  Adams  counties  the 
Clay  vote  was  considerable.  An  examination  of  election  returns 
shows  that  on  the  whole  the  Adams  and  Jackson  strength  ran 
to  extremes,  while  Clay  was  held  as  a  second  choice.  Among 
the  leaders,  however,  a  slightly  different  situation  arose.  Craw- 
ford was  the  natural  choice  of  the  leaders  of  the  anti-Edwards 
party,58  but  because  his  candidacy  had  never  created  any 
enthusiasm  in  Illinois  these  leaders  were  constrained  to  support 
a  more  popular  candidate;  and  in  this  case  the  candidate  sup- 
ported was  Jackson.57  Edwards  and  his  close  political  friends 
were  Calhoun  men  and  bitterly  opposed  to  Crawford,58  but  they 
appear  to  have  been  unable  to  unite  on  any  one  of  the  other 
three  candidates.  For  instance,  Cook  was  for  Adams,59  and 
Eddy  for  Jackson;60  while  Edwards  himself  was  non-committal 
with  a  leaning  toward  Adams.61 

Both  parties  in  the  convention  contest  appear  to  have 
accepted  the  results  of  the  election  as  final,62  and  never  after- 
wards were  the  people  of  Illinois  asked  to  vote  for  and  against 

"Senator  Thomas  was  a  member  of  the  Congressional  Caucus  that 
nominated  Crawford  in  February,  1824.  Thomas'  appointment  as  bank 
examiner  in  Illinois  by  Crawford  was  severely  criticized  by  the  friends  of 
Edwards.  See  Illinois  Intelligencer,  February  15,  1823.  Kane,  McLean, 
Smith,  West,  and  Kinney,  all  anti-Edwards  men  acknowledged  that  they 
had  been  Crawford  supporters.  See  Illinois  Intelligencer,  May  8,  1830. 

wDr.  Todd  (conventionist)  was  candidate  as  Clay  elector;  A.  P. 
Field  (conventionist)  was  elected  as  Jackson  elector. 

"As  long  as  Calhoun  was  a  candidate  for  president,  Edwards  sup- 
ported him.  See  Washburne,  Edwards,  216,  passim. 

"See  D.  P.  Cook  to  H.  Eddy,  April  24,  1824,  May  19,  1825.  (Eddy 
MSS.) 

"Eddy  was  Jackson  elector  in  1824. 

"G.  Forquer  to  H.  Eddy,  December  15,  1827.     (Eddy  MSS.) 

""That  question  [slavery]  is  supposed  to  be  forever  set  at  rest,  and 
the  hardy  sons  of  New  England  may  continue  to  migrate  to  this  fertile 
region,  whither  so  many  of  their  countrymen  have  gone  before  them." — 
Portfolio,  XVIII.,  506.  "In  six  months  after  the  question  was  settled, 
a  politician  who  was  in  favor  of  the  introduction  of  slavery  in  the  state, 
was  a  rara  avis." — Western  Annals,  793. 


29]  GENESIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  29 

the  introduction  of  slavery  into  the  state.  Although  five-sixths 
of  the  members  of  the  Fourth  General  Assembly  had  been  chosen 
at  the  same  election  at  which  the  convention  proposition  had 
been  defeated  by  a  decisive  majority,  that  body  elected  to  the 
United  States  Senate  two  of  the  ablest  and  most  zealous  advocates 
of  the  proposition  to  introduce  slavery,  namely,  John  McLean 
and  Elias  Kent  Kane.  A  writer  on  this  period  has  said  con- 
cerning this  election  that  "there  is  nothing  stranger  than  this 
in  our  political  history. '  '63  The  explanation  for  such  a  political 
paradox  rests  not  upon  a  study  of  the  convention  parties,  but 
rather  upon  older  political  alignments.  The  majority  of  the 
General  Assembly  of  1824-5  was  not  necessarily  pro-slavery  and 
pro-convention  because  it  elected  men  of  that  belief  to  office; 
the  issue  of  slavery  and  convention  ceased  to  have  active  life 
after  the  election  of  1824.  The  majority  owed  political  allegiance 
to  the  enemies  of  Mr.  Edwards,  and  nothing  was  more  natural 
than  that  this  majority  should  honor  two  of  its  leaders  by  elect- 
ing them  to  the  United  States  Senate, — one  to  fill  out  a  vacancy 
and  the  other  to  succeed  him.  Thus  the  three  leaders  of  the  anti- 
Edwards  party,  Thomas,  McLean  and  Kane,  were  members  or 
members-elect  of  the  United  States  Senate. 

The  failure  of  any  one  of  the  four  presidential  candidates 
to  receive  a  majority  of  the  electoral  votes  complicated  political 
matters  in  the  state,  and  made  a  lasting  impress  upon  its  parties 
and  official  personnel.  When  the  presidential  election  devolved 
upon  the  House  of  Representatives,  Daniel  Pope  Cook,  sole  rep- 
resentative from  Illinois,  was  forced  to  choose  among  the  three 
candidates,  Jackson,  Adams  and  Crawford.  When  there  seemed 
a  possibility  before  the  presidential  election  of  1824,  that  there 
would  be  no  choice  at  the  polls,  Cook  announced  that  his  official 
vote  in  the  House,  should  such  a  contingency  arise,  would  be 
guided  by  the  wish  of  a  majority  of  his  constituents.6*  In  the 
election  Jackson  had  carried  two  of  the  three  districts  in  the 
state,  but  no  one  of  the  candidates  had  received  a  majority  of  the 
popular  vote.65  Because  of  the  doubtful  lines  that  divided  the 

""Washburne,  Coles,  194. 

"Illinois  Republican,  July  24,  1824;  Edwards,  Edwards,  261-2;  D.  P. 
Cook  to  H.  Eddy,  April  24,  1824,  May  19,  1825.  (Eddy  MSS.) 

"Voting  for  presidential  electors  was  by  districts.  An  echo  of  the 
meeting  of  the  electors  came  in  the  year  1828.  When  the  electors  met 
at  Vandalia  Harrison  and  Field  each  wished  to  carry  the  results  to 


30  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [30 

candidates  Cook  had  no  guide  other  than  a  rough  estimate  of 
who  would  have  carried  the  state  had  Adams  and  Jackson  been 
the  only  candidates.66  Under  these  circumstances  he  seems  to 
have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  a  majority  of  the  people  pre- 
ferred Adams,  and  cast  his  vote  accordingly.  In  the  absence 
of  a  clear  mandate  from  his  constituents  he  justified  his  act  on 
the  ground  that  Adams  was  better  fitted  for  the  presidency 
than  was  Jackson  or  Crawford. 

The  election  of  Adams,  or  better  the  defeat  of  Jackson, 
determined  very  largely  the  political  alignments  in  the  United 
States  for  the  next  twenty  years,  and  because  of  Cook's  vote 
this  statement  is  particularly  true  of  conditions  in  Illinois.  As 
soon  as  the  people  learned  through  the  medium  of  Jackson's 
astute  managers  that  "the  old  hero  had  been  cheated  out  of  his 
rights,"  and  that  the  "will  of  the  people  had  been  thwarted  by 
a  corrupt  bargain ' '  entered  into  by  Adams  and  Clay,  they  rallied 
to  the  Jackson  standard.  Cook's  close  affiliation  with  the  anti- 
convention  party  had  the  effect  of  throwing  headlong  into  the 
Jackson  camp  his  opponents,  who  had  been  on  the  whole  pro- 
conventionists  and  adherents  of  the  Thomas-Kane-McLean  party. 
The  northern,  anti-convention,  or  Coles  party,  had  very  gen- 
erally voted  for  Adams,  and  his  selection  by  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives met  with  the  approbation  of  that  party.  The  great 
bulk  of  the  old  Edwards  party  appears  to  have  espoused  the 
Jackson  cause  after  Adams'  election.  Thus  growing  out  of  the 

Washington.  Eddy,  the  third  elector,  did  not  believe  that  an  elector 
was  qualified  to  perform  such  a  task.  Harrison  was  chosen,  and  when 
Field  was  a  congressional  candidate  in  1836  it  was  urged  that  he  was 
not  a  good  Jackson  man  because  he  had  allowed  Harrison  to  carry  the 
vote.  Eddy  was  appealed  to  in  the  matter  to  prove  that  Field  had  been 
a  good  Jackson  man.  See  H.  Eddy  to  A.  P.  Field,  June  n,  1828.  (Eddy 
MSS.} 

**It  is  probable  that  Cook  felt  that  the  vote  for  Clay,  who  was  not  a 
candidate  before  the  House,  would  have  been  given  very  generally  under 
other  circumstances  for  Adams.  There  was  one  circumstance  upon  which 
the  friends  of  Cook  have  based  a  very  ingenious  argument.  In  one  of 
the  districts  there  was  in  addition  to  the  regular  Clay,  Adams,  and  Jackson 
tickets,  a  fourth  going  under  the  name  "Jackson  and  Clay."  It  has  been 
charged  that  the  supporters  of  this  ticket,  several  hundreds  in  number. 
were  Crawford  men,  who  preferred  not  to  come  out  openly  for  their 
champion.  All  this,  in  the  absence  of  positive  proof,  is  conjecture.  See 
Edwards,  Edwards,  260,  (>assiin. 


31]  GENESIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  31 

convention  contest  of  1824,  and  the  presidential  election  of 
1824-5,  were  three  more  or  less  distinct  parties:  the  ultra,  or, 
as  it  was  more  familiarly  called,  the  "whole  hog"  Jackson 
party;67  a  party  favoring  Jackson,  the  members  of  which 
were  called  ' '  milk  and  cider ' '  Jackson  men ;  and  finally  the  anti- 
Jackson  party,  which  was  confined  principally  to  the  northern 
counties,  and  made  up  on  the  whole  of  the  more  radical  anti- 
slavery  elements.68  As  we  shall  see  presently  the  first  formed 
the  nucleus  of  the  Democratic  party,  the  last,  the  National 
Republican  and  later  the  Whig  party,  while  the  second  broke 
up,  one  part  going  to  the  Whigs,  another  part  to  the  Democrats. 
In  1826,  the  two  leading  gubernatorial  candidates  were 
Ninian  Edwards  and  Thomas  Sloo  Jr.,  both  of  whom  were  pro- 
fessed Jackson  men  but  of  a  different  type.  Sloo  seems  to  have 
been  the  candidate  of  the  "whole  hog"  Jackson  element,69  while 
Edwards  received  the  support  of  the  more  temperate  Jackson 
men;  and  an  examination  of  the  election  returns  indicates  that 
the  anti-Jackson  vote  was  divided  between  them,  the  larger  part 
going  to  Edwards.  A  third  candidate  was  Adolphus  F.  Hub- 
bard,  who  was  more  radical  in  his  support  of  Jackson  than  was 
Sloo.  Edwards  was  elected,  but  by  a  plurality  vote,  the  com- 
bined strength  of  his  opponents  exceeding  his  by  nearly  two 

"One  definition  of  a  "whole  hog"  Jackson  man :  "A  fiery  tempered 
person,  who  has  no  opinion  of  his  own,  but  votes,  and  praises,  and  cen- 
sures, and  turns,  just  as  he  is  bid  by  the  county  caucus." — Cincinnati 
American,  September  20,  1830. 

"Similar  divisions  in  the  Jackson  ranks  are  to  be  found  in  other 
states.  In  Ohio  such  divisions  appear,  but  to  them  more  polite  terms  were 
applied  than  was  the  case  in  Illinois.  There  the  "whole  hog"  faction  bore 
the  name  "dyed  in  the  wool." — Ohio  State  Journal,  October  28,  1830; 
Scioto  Gazette,  April  24,  November  3,  1830. 

"Reynolds,  My  Own  Times,  262.  "He,  Edwards,  was  opposed  by  all 
the  old  members  of  the  legislature,  who  had  supported  the  many  unwise 
measures  of  finance,  and  by  the  whole  bank  influence,  from  the  President 
down  to  the  lowest  agents,  who  had  in  any  wise  cause  to  fear  an  investiga- 
tion." Ford,  History  of  Illinois,  64.  This  evidence  may  be  biased,  as 
Ford  and  Edwards  were  confidential  friends  about  this  time.  See  Wash- 
burne,  Edwards,  438.  In  a  letter  to  Henry  Clay,  Edwards  says :  "As  to 
myself,  I  had  to  encounter  all  the  opposition  of  the  great  body  of  the 
Jackson  interest,  and  to  tell  you  the  truth  (for  I  feel  no  motive  to  con- 
ceal anything  of  the  kind)  I  used  all  the  policy  in  my  power,  and  freely 
subjected  myself  to  great  risk,  to  force  all  my  opponents  to  come  out 
on  that  side  of  the  question."  Washburne,  Edwards,  261. 


32  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [32 

hunderd  votes.70  On  account  of  the  political  unrest  of  the  time, 
and  the  shifting  of  population  due  to  immigration  and  the  ten- 
dency of  the  people  of  the  southern  counties  to  move  northward, 
the  election  lacks  that  sectional  aspect  which  is  so  characteristic 
of  early  Illinois  politics.  Edwards'  strength  lay  in  the  extreme 
southern  counties,  in  the  northern  and  west  central  counties, 
and  in  a  few  counties  adjacent  to  the  Indiana  line.71 

For  the  sixth  time  Cook  offered  himself  in  1826  as  a  can- 
didate for  Congress.  Since  his  vote  for  Adams  the  year  before, 
the  tide  had  turned  against  him,  and  each  day  saw  it  running 
higher.  Despite  the  feeling  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  Jackson 
leaders  that  the  election  of  Adams  was  not  the  result  of  a  bar- 
gain between  Adams  and  Clay,72  the  charge  made  by  Jackson's 
managers  that  such  was  the  case  seems  to  have  been  believed 
very  generally  in  Illinois;  and  those  so  believing  naturally 
opposed  Cook.  It  would  be  safe  to  say  that  Cook's  vote  for 
Adams  in  1825  brought  about  his  political  downfall,  although 
his  closest  friend  denied  that  such  was  the  case.73  Cook's 
opponent  was  Joseph  Duncan.  Young  Duncan  was  no  cam- 
paigner, lacked  the  magnetism  of  his  adversary,  and  cut  a  sorry 
figure  in  comparison  with  the  brilliant  Cook.  Yet  he  was  elected 
in  spite  of  this  handicap,  for  Cook  carried  still  greater  handi- 


""The  vote  for  governor  was  distributed  among  the  candidates  as 
follows:  Edwards,  6280;  Sloo,  5833;  Hubbard,  580. 

MSS.  Election  Returns  (Secretary  of  State's  Office,  Springfield,  Illi- 
nois). 

"In  his  campaign  for  governor  Edwards  made  capital  of  his  trouble 
with  Crawford.  It  was  his  belief  that  the  "A.B."  affair  was  a  strength 
to  his  candidacy.  See  N.  Edwards  to  H.  Eddy,  February  2,  1825 ;  J.  Mc- 
Lean to  H.  Eddy,  February  3,  1825 ;  N.  Edwards  to  J.  Marshall,  June  29, 
1826.  (Eddy  MSS.) 

""No  man  I  think  believes  that  there  is  the  least  foundation  for  the 
accusation  against  Mr.  Clay  and  no  man  effects  to  credit  it  but  Mr. 
Kremer."  J.  McLean  to  H.  Eddy,  February  3,  1825.  (Eddy  MSS.)  For 
further  views  on  the  subject  of  the  alleged  bargain  see,  Colton,  Clay,  IV., 
^09  ff,  V.,  299,  341;  Benton,  View,  I.,  48;  Adams,  Memoirs,  VI.,  483; 
Edwards,  Edwards,  479;  Tyler,  Tyler,  I,  259  ff. ;  Calhoun,  Correspon- 
dence, II.,  230-1,  249;  Nile's  Register,  XXIII.,  203-8,  XXVIII.,  355. 

"In  a  letter  to  Henry  Clay  written  after  the  election  Edwards  con- 
tends that  Cook's  defeat  was  due  to  his  overconfidence.  Washburne, 
Edwards,  261. 


33]  GENESIS  OP  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  33 

caps:  his  vote  for  Adams,74  his  long  official  service,  and  his 
relationship  to  Edwards.  If  the  returns  of  the  congressional 
elections  for  the  years  1824  and  1826  be  compared,  it  will  be 
seen  that  the  defection  from  Cook  in  the  latter  year  was  general 
throughout  the  state.  A  county  here  and  there  gave  him  a 
larger  percent,  of  its  entire  vote  than  it  had  in  1824,  but  this 
increase  was  more  than  offset  by  sharp  decreases  in  other 
counties.  In  most  of  the  counties,  however,  the  decrease  was 
small  and  strikingly  uniform,  a  condition  that  seems  to  indicate 
that  his  vote  for  Adams  was  unpopular  among  certain  classes  all 
over  the  state.  A  similar  defection  is  shown  by  comparing  the 
congressional  election  returns  with  those  for  governor.  Cook 
uniformly  ran  behind  Edwards,  except  in  those  counties  where 
his  personal  popularity  was  very  great,  or  where  his  vote  for 
Adams  was  approved. 

Events  during  the  next  two  years  caused  a  radical  shifting 
of  party  alignments.  Edwards'  attack  on  the  president  and 
directors  of  the  Bank  at  Edwardsville  aroused  his  old  political 
enemies  and  made  many  new  ones.75  After  Crawford's  chances 
for  the  presidency  were  seen  to  have  been  lost,  Thomas  was 
inclined  to  support  Adams  and  Cook,  and 'he  is  said  to  have 
•desired  to  be  friendly  with  Edwards.76  McLean  wavered  in  his 
opposition  to  Edwards,77  while  Kane,  who  had  been  elected  to 
the  United  States  Senate  in  1825,  ceased  almost  entirely  to  take 
an  interest  in  state  affairs.  The  leadership  of  the  anti-Edwards 
party  then  passed  into  the  hands  of  William  Kinney  and  T.  W. 
Smith.78 

"Cook  had  married  a  daughter  of  Edwards.  In  a  great  many  quar- 
ters dissatisfaction  had  arisen  because  two  members  of  the  same  family 
were  continually  in  office.  Cook's  opponents  took  up  the  cry  "let  us  have 
rotation  in  office,"  and  it  cannot  be  denied  that  such  a  slogan  had  its 
effect  on  the  election.  Washburne,  Edwards,  501.  There  was  a  certain 
discredit  given  to  Cook's  vote  for  Adams,  and  the  charge  against  him 
was  not  dissimilar  to  that  against  Adams  and  Clay.  Early  in  1824  it  was 
charged  that  Edwards'  appointment  as  minister  to  Mexico  was  the  result 
of  a  bargain  whereby  Cook  was  to  support  the  choice  of  the  Monroe 
administration  for  president.  See  D.  P.  Cook  to  H.  Eddy,  April  24, 
1824.  (Eddy  MSS.) 

"'Ford,  History  of  Illinois,  65  ff. ;  Washburne,  Edivards,  270,  passim. 

'"Edivardsville  Spectator,  September  15,  1826. 

"Washburne,  Edwards,  355,  passim. 

78A  contemporary  politician  divides  the  politicians  into  yet  smaller 
groups  as  follows :  i.  Smith,  Kinney  and  West.  2.  John  and  Thomas 


34  THE   ILLINOIS   WHIGS  [34 

As  a  result  of  the  shifting  of  political  lines  in  local  affairs, 
new  alignments  in  national  politics  were  likewise  necessary. 
Some  of  the  Clay  and  Calhoun  leaders  went  over  for  the  time 
being  to  Adams,79  but  it  is  certain  that  a  majority  of  them 
adhered  to  Jackson  after  Adams'  election  in  1825.  The  Craw- 
ford element  went  over  to  Jackson.80  By  1827  two  factious 
appeared  in  the  Adams  ranks..  One  group  supported  Adams 
and  Edwards;  the  other  supported  Adams  but  opposed 
Edwards.81  There  was  dissatisfaction  in  some  quarters  with  the 
administration  because  of  Adams'  disinclination  to  build  up  a 
political  machine  by  removing  his  enemies  from  office  and 
appointing  his  friends,82  yet  the  Adams  cause  was  injured  much 
more  by  the  feeling  that  the  president  held  his  office  as  the 
result  of  intrigue,  and  that  he  was  out  of  sympathy  with  western 
ideals.  As  yet,  however,  many  of  the  men  that  were  to  take  the 
lead  as  Jackson  men,  and  later  as  Democrats,  were  followers  of 
Adams.83  Edwards  and  his  friends  opposed  Duncan's  re-elec- 
tion in  August,  1828,  supporting  George  Forquer  for  the  place.84 
Forquer  was  an  adherent  of  the  national  administration,  and 
while  this  fact  seems  to  have  been  very  generally  known,  his 
friends  made  every  attempt  to  keep  the  issues  of  the  election  lo- 
cal. Duncan's  supporters  pretended  to  do  the  same,  but  it  is 
well  known  that  Jacksonianism  became  an  issue  before  the  close 
of  the  campaign.  Under  such  circumstances  there  could  be  but 
one  outcome :  Duncan  was  re-elected,  and  the  results  in  Illinois 
of  the  presidential  campaign  of  a  few  months  later  were  accu- 
rately forecasted. 

Reynolds.  3.  Jesse  B.  Thomas.  4.  John  McLean.  5.  Edwards  &  Co. 
See  Sloo  Correspondence,  81-2.  The  last  four  groups  were  combined 
against  the  first  in  a  great  many  cases. 

"See    Edwardsville    Spectator,    September    15,    1825;    Illinois   Intelli- 
gencer, July  10,  1830. 

"W.  Orr  to  H.  Eddy,  February  21,  1827,  (Eddy  MSS.)  ;  Illinois 
Intelligencer,  May  8,  1830.  In  a  communication  to  Edwards  written  in 
1827,  J.  M.  Street  states  that  the  Crawford  men  in  Gallatin  County  were 
very  generally  supporting  the  national  administration.  See  Washburne, 
Edwards,  285. 

"G.  Forquer  to  H.  Eddy,  December  15,  1827.     (Eddy  MSS.) 

"Washburne,  Edwards,  263. 

"E.g.  Thomas  Ford,  George  Forquer,  Sidney  Breese. 

**N.  Edwards  (Communication),  August  election,  1828.  (Eddy 
MSS.)  Washburne,  Edzvards,  343,  passim. 


35]  GENESIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS   WHIGS  35 

Jackson's  majority  in  1828,  of  almost  five  thousand  out  of 
a  total  vote  of  less  than  fifteen  thousand  indicated  a  temporary 
union  of  the  two  factions  of  the  Jackson  party.8"'  "Milk  and 
cider"  Jackson  men  were  no  less  desirous  than  their  more 
radical  neighbors  to  elect  Jackson.  The  General  Assembly  was 
made  up  largely  of  Jackson  men,  the  "whole  hog"  element  pre- 
dominating; while  from  the  northern  counties  came  several 
Adams  supporters.  The  latter  were  apparently  in  sympathy 
with  Edwards  and  his  policies.  They  united  at  the  request  of 
Edwards,  however,  in  electing  John  McLean  to  the  United 
States  Senate86  by  a  unanimous  vote.  McLean  succeeded 
Thomas,  who  at  the  time  was  on  the  eve  of  leaving  the  Jackson 
party. 

The  lines  for  and  against  Jackson  had  not  been  so  tightly 
draAvn  that  they  could  not  be  crossed  with  ease.  After  the 
election  of  1828,  Edwards  was  advised  by  his  brother-in-law, 
Duff  Green,  to  prove  to  Jackson  that  he  was  his  friend,  and 
there  are  reasons  for  believing  that  Edwards  followed  the  advice 
and  made  overtures  in  that  direction.87  Because  of  unsettled 
political  conditions,  those  federal  office  holders  in  the  state  who 
were  friendly  to  the  outgoing  administration  in  1829,  made  an 
effort  to  hold  their  places  by  moving  toward  the  Jackson  ranks 
without  actually  joining  them.  To  such  a  movement  the  Jackson 
administration  refused  to  become  a  party ;  and  a  direct  demand 
was  made  that  the  Jackson  party  in  Illinois  should  not  join  in 
any  way  with  the  "coalition."88  Such  a  proposal  merely  in- 
dicates the  chaotic  condition  of  national  politics,  and  the  refusal 
of  the  administration  to  join  with  the  old  friends  of  Adams 

"The  vote  for  president  was  distributed  between  the  candidates  as 
follows :  Jackson,  9582 ;  Adams,  4662. 

MSS.  Election  Returns  (Secretary  of  State's  Office,  Springfield,  Illi- 
nois). 

"Light  is  thrown  on  Edwards'  attitude  toward  McLean's  candidacy 
in  his  letters  to  McLean.  See  Washburne,  Edwards,  343  ff. 

""Relax  not  in  your  efforts.  Prove  that  your  support  of  the  Presi- 
dent is  sincere.  Write  to  him  in  confidence,  and  all  that  has  transpired 
will  tend  to  increase  instead  of  diminish  your  future  influence."  D.  Green 
to  N.  Edwards,  August  19,  1829.  Washburne,  Edwards,  429.  Again  Green 
writes,  "If  the  new  friends  of  the  President  have  been  more  successful 
it  is  because  they  have  sustained  themselves  and  made  a  stronger  case." 
Ibid.  447. 

*S.  D.  Ingham  to  S.  H.  Kimmell,  August  i,  1829.     (Eddy  MSS.) 


36  THE   ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [36 

clarified  the  situation.  It  did  more  than  that;  it  drew  a  line 
between  the  two  factions  of  the  Jackson  party,  and  thenceforth 
"whole  hog"  and  "milk  and  cider"  were  terms  with  a  definite 
meaning. 

The  next  gubernatorial  campaign  was  begun  more  than 
twelve  months  before  the  election  in  August,  1830.  The  candi- 
dates were  William  Kinney  and  John  Reynolds.  The  former 
was  an  out  and  out  Jackson  man  of  the  "whole  hog"  variety, 
and  every  effort  was  made  by  him  and  his  friends  to  keep  the 
question  of  Jacksonianism  to  the  front.89  Edwards  favored 
Reynolds,  despite  a  serious  misunderstanding  that  had  arisen 
between  them  during  the  Winnebago  scare  in  1828.90  Reynolds 
has  said  since  that  he  was  a  "milk  and  cider"  Jackson  man,91 
and  his  correspondence  would  indicate  that  he  was,  yet  he  made 
an  appeal  for  the  support  of  the  anti-Jackson  party.92  Kinney 
was  charged  with  opposing  a  canal,93  with  a  desire  to  turn  every 
body  out  of  office,94  and  with  being  the  tool  of  Senator  Benton.95 
Reynolds  with  all  his  faults  was  a  better  politician  than  his 
opponent;  he  secured  a  large  vote  from  the  Adams  counties 
without  alienating  from  him  enough  Jackson  votes  to  cause  his 
own  defeat.96  Such  a  procedure  was  called  "playing  for  all 

**Washburne,  Edwards,  432. 

*"N.  Edwards  to  Editors,  Illinois  Intclligenecr.  July  22,  1830.  N.  Ed- 
wards to  A.  F.  Grant,  September  17,  1832.  (Eddy  MSS.) 

"Reynolds  was  nominated  at  a  Jackson  meeting  in  Union  County, 
October  9,  1829.  See  Illinois  Intelligencer,  October  31,  1829. 

"Washburne,  Edivards,  433;  J.  Reynolds  to  S.  H.  Kimmell,  Decem- 
ber 10,  1829;  S.  H.  Kimmell  to  A.  F.  Grant,  October  29,  1829.  (Eddy 
MSS.) 

"Washburne,  Edwards,  470. 

"D.  Prickett  to  A.  F.  Grant,  July  i,  1830.     (Eddy  MSS.) 

"Western  Democrat,  December  2,  1829;  Missouri  Republican,  Jan- 
uary s,  1830. 

"Reynolds  was  said  to  have  been  elected  by  friends  of  the  American 
System.  See  Cincinnati  American,  December  27,  1830.  By  some  papers 
the  election  of  Reynolds  was  taken  as  defeat  for  the  Jackson  party  in 
Illinois.  See  Ibid.  August  23.  1830;  Louisville  Advertiser,  August  II, 
1830. 

There  must  necessarily  remain  considerable  speculation  as  to  the 
real  issues  in  the  campaign.  A  claim  was  made  after  the  election  that 
Kinney  had  been  defeated  because  of  his  endorsement  of  Jackson's  pro- 
scription policy.  See  Kaskaskia  Democrat,  August  18.  1830.  This  was 
denied.  Friends  of  Reynolds  urged  his  claims  on  the  ground  that  he 


37]  GENESIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  37 

the  pockets,"97  and  Reynolds  was  an  adept  at  the  game.  Rey- 
nold's strength  was  principally  in  the  extreme  southern, 
northern,  and  western  parts  of  the  state,  and  in  the  counties  of 
Sangamon,  Morgan  and  Macon.98  At  the  same  election  Duncan 
defeated  Sidney  Breese  and  Edward  Coles  for  Congress. 

Although  the  ultra-Jackson  men  lost  the  governship,  they 
returned  a  large  majority  to  the  General  Assembly.  Senator 
McLean  having  died  October  14,  1830,  Governor  Edwards  ap- 
pointed David  J.  Baker  of  Kaskaskia  as  his  successor  for  the 
time  being.  The  General  Assembly  refused  to  elect  Edwards' 
choice,  selecting  in  his  stead  John  M.  Robinson  of  White  County, 
who  was  known  to  be  an  ultra  Jackson  man.  Robinson  was 
opposed  by  Thomas  Mather,  a  well-known  anti-conventionist 
of  a  few  years  before,  a  friend  of  Edwards,  and  later  a  leading 
Whig.  At  the  same  session  Kane  was  re-elected  to  the  senate 
for  the  term  beginning  March  4,  1831.  There  was  certainly  an 
Edwards  party  at  this  time,99  and  in  the  gubernatorial  campaign 
of  1830  its  opponents  repeatedly  went  out  of  their  way  to  assail 
Edwards  instead  of  Reynolds.100  The  former  was  recognized  as 
the  force  behind  Reynold's  candidacy.  Thus  the  anti-Edwards 
members  of  the  General  Assembly  showed  their  hostility  to 
Edwards  by  selecting  two  of  Edwards'  ablest  opponents  for  the 
United  States  Senate. 

On  January  3,  1831,  the  General  Assembly  nominated 
Jackson  for  re-election  by  a  large  majority.101  But  nine  votes 
were  cast  against  the  nominating  resolution,  three  in  the  senate 
and  six  in  the  house.  Although  the  opposition  to  the  nomination 
was  weak  numerically,  it  stubbornly  resisted  the  passage  of  the 

was  a  "zealous  advocate  of  the  measures  of  the  present  administration, 
and  of  State  Rights."  See  The  Crisis,  September  g,  1830.  The  report 
was  widely  circulated  that  the  charge  against  Reynolds  that  he  was 
friendly  to  Clay  gave  him  the  support  of  the  anti-Jackson  party,  and  hence 
elected  him.  See  Illinois  Intelligencer,  September  4,  1830;  Cincinnati 
American,  September  20,  1830.  Others  would  have  it  that  Reynolds  was 
elected  because  he  favored  the  appropriation  of  money  by  Congress  for 
internal  improvements.  See  Scioto  Gazette,  September  22,  1830. 

"N.  Pope  to  H.  Eddy,  September  23,  1834.     (Eddy  MSS.) 

"MSS.  Election  Returns  (Secretary  of  State's  Office,  Springfield,  Illi- 
nois). 

"Illinois  Intelligencer,  July  24,  1830;  Washburne,  Edwards,  513. 

100Washburne,  Edwards,  461. 

^For  the  resolutions  see  Senate  Journal,  1830-1,  p.  i/o  ff. 


38  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [38 

resolution  and  in  the  end  the  dissenting  members  of  the  house 
recorded  their  protest  upon  their  Journal.102  Nor  was  the 
opposition  to  the  nomination  sectional,  for  the  nine  members 
voting  in  the  negative  represented  seven  widely  separated  coun- 
ties, namely,  Pike  in  the  north,  Madison  and  Greene  in  the  west, 
Randolph  and  Gallatin  in  the  south,  and  Wabash  and  Clark  in 
the  east. 

The  presidential  campaign  of  1832  caused  a  further  shifting 
of  political  lines.  The  contest  in  1831  and  1832  between  Martin 
Van  Buren  and  Richard  M.  Johnson  for  the  nomination  for  vice- 
president  on  the  Jackson  ticket,  is  significant  politically,  for  with 
Van  Buren 's  selection  in  1832,  begins  a  split  in  the  Jackson 
ranks  that  assumed  large  proportions  in  1836,  when  Van  Buren 
became  the  recognized  choice  of  his  chief  for  the  presidency. 
Extremely  radical  Jackson  men,  such  as  A.  P.  Field,  John  De- 
ment, Zadok  Casey  and  Joseph  Duncan,  supported  Johnson, 
while  Van  Buren 's  interests  were  in  the  hands  of  W.  L.  D. 
Ewing,  Samuel  McRoberts  and  other  "whole  hog"  Jacksonites. 
This  division  of  opinion  was  carried  to  the  National  Convention 
at  Baltimore,  where  the  Illinois  delegation  divided  its  vote 
between  Van  Bureu  and  Johnson.  Upon  the  nomination  of  the 
former,  however,  a  great  majority  of  the  friends  and  sup- 
porters of  Johnson  gracefully  accepted  defeat  and  unquali- 
fiedly supported  the  regularly  nominated  ticket:  Jackson  for 
president,  Van  Buren  for  vice-president.103  Clay's  candidacy 
received  on  the  whole  the  regular  anti-Jackson  party  strength.104 
There  was  an  increase  in  the  total  number  of  votes  cast  in  the 
presidential  election  of  1832  over  the  election  of  1828,  but  this 
increase  barely  kept  pace  with  the  increase  in  population,  and  the 
distribution  of  the  increased  vote  affected  Jackson's  relative 
strength  in  the  state  only  a  little  more  than  one  per  cent.  This 

"Tor  protest  see  House  Journal,  1830-1,  p.  232  S. 

"Tield,  for  instance,  voted,  for  Jackson  and  Van  Buren.  See  MSS. 
Election  Returns.  (Court  House,  Vandalia.) 

"'For  accounts  of  Clay  meetings  see  Sangamo  Journal,  August  2, 
18,  September  i,  8,  15,  22,  1832.  There  seem  to  have  been  no  delegates 
from  Illinois  to  the  National-Republican  Convention  of  1831.  See 
Niles  Register,  XLI.,  301-7;  Cincinnati  American,  December  23,  1830. 

Despite  Edwards'  and  Cook's  support  of  Clay's  American  Policy  in 
the  twenties,  Edwards  refused  to  support  Clay  in  1832.  He  expressed 
a  preference  for  McLean  or  Wirt.  See  Benton,  View,  I.,  32;  A.  Cowles 
to  J.  Marshall,  August  25,  1835.  (Eddy  MSS.) 


39]  GENESIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  39 

lack  of  relative  change  in  the  position  of  the  two  parties  seems 
to  indicate  one  of  two  conditions:  either  there  was  a  marked 
stability  in  the  relative  strength  of  the  two  parties,  or  the  immi- 
gration into  the  northern  counties  offset  the  defection  in  the 
southern  counties  from  the  Adams-Clay  forces. 

Between  1832  and  1834  events  moved  rapidly.  Jackson's 
hostile  attitude  toward  the  United  States  Bank,  his  insistence  on 
Van  Buren  as  his  successor,  and  the  extravagances  of  his  ad- 
visers in  demanding  support  for  the  president  drove  many  of 
his  old  supporters  into  the  ranks  of  the  opposition.  On  the 
other  hand,  there  were  accessions  to  the  Jackson  ranks  from  the 
Adams-Clay  elements.  After  repeated  attempts  to  get  office  as 
opponents  of  Jackson,  or  at  least  as  luke-warm  supporters,  more 
than  one  ambitious  politician  took  up  Jacksonianism  in  the 
most  extreme  form.  On  account  of  Jackson's  popularity  it 
became  dangerous  except  in  limited  areas  to  denounce  his  poli- 
cies. Men  with  ambition  for  office  preferred  to  tolerate  the 
Jackson  administration, — kitchen  cabinet  and  all, — rather  than 
to  risk  their  political  success  by  speaking  their  mind. 

During  these  two  years  the  political  alignments  in  Illinois 
underwent  radical  changes.  The  position  occupied  by  the  "milk 
and  cider ' '  Jackson  element  was  not  only  illogical  but  untenable, 
and  its  ability  to  maintain  itself  as  an  organization  depended 
entirely  upon  its  coalition  with  the  anti-Jackson  forces.  Its 
midway  position  between  the  radical  Jackson  faction  on  the  one 
hand,  and  the  anti-Jackson  party  on  the  other,  made  it  a  con- 
venient and  fruitful  recruiting  ground  for  the  other  factions  and 
parties.  The  election  of  Jackson  for  a  second  term,  which  was  a 
complete  vindication  for  the  affront  offered  him  in  1825,  served 
to  cool  the  ardor  of  the  more  extreme  supporters  of  the  presi- 
dent, and  bring  them  into  more  complete  harmony  with  the 
members  of  the  moderate  Jackson  faction.  The  intrusion  of 
Van  Burenism  into  national  politics,  and  the  dogmatic  distri- 
bution of  federal  offices  in  the  state  by  the  administration,  tended 
to  force  the  luke-warm  supporters  of  Jackson  into  the  ranks  of 
the  opposition.  During  the  period  state  issues  grew  in  import- 
ance. The  question  of  state  banks  and  internal  improvements 
engrossed  the  minds  of  the  people  to  the  exclusion  of  personal 
and  national  issues,  and  the  scramble  of  party  leaders  to  antici- 
pate public  epinion  on  these  local  issues,  resulted  in  new  and 
strange  political  alliances. 


40  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [40 

Other  political  forces  were  at  work  to  change  the  old  order 
of  things.  Before  1834,  Edwards,  Bond,  Cook,  and  McLean  were 
dead;  Thomas,  Phillips,  and  Sloo  had  removed  from  the  state; 
Browne,  Pope,  and  Smith  were  on  the  bench;  and  their  places 
were  filled  partially  by  their  lieutenants,  partially  by  a  younger 
and  newer  element  that  had  little  interest  in  keeping  alive  the 
factional  disputes  of  an  earlier  period.  A  factor  in  causing  a 
change  was  the  constant  shifting  of  the  center  of  population 
northward.  In  time  the  representation  of  the  southern  counties, 
where  the  early  struggles  had  been  carried  on,  decreased;  and 
with  this  decrease  of  relative  strength  in  those  sections  and  a 
corresponding  increase  in  the  northern  counties  where  the  newer 
elements  were  to  be  found,  came  a  change  in  the  nature  of  the 
politics  of  the  state.  With  improved  means  of  communication, 
diffusion  of  knowledge  through  the  agency  of  schools,  colleges, 
churches,  and  newspapers,  a  higher  standard  of  living  resulting 
from  increased  trade  and  diversity  of  labor,  came  a  corresponding 
change  in  the  political  activities  and  ideals  of  the  people. 

These  changes,  however,  caused  new  problems  to  arise.  With 
the  settlement  of  the  northern  counties  there  appeared  a  certain 
form  of  sectionalism  based  not  so  much  upon  a  difference  in  birth 
and  economic  activities,  as  upon  a  lack  of  understanding  be- 
tween the  sections.  Prejudices  were  appealed  to  in  both  sections 
by  unscrupulous  leaders.  The  older  settlers  in  the  south  were 
inclined  to  regard  all  the  people  of  the  northern  counties  as 
Yankees,  and  what  they  knew  about  Yankees  was  based  generally 
upon  what  they  had  heard  from  the  lips  of  political  speakers. 
The  northerners  on  their  part,  were  prone  to  regard  those  in  the 
southern  sections  as  uncouth,  illiterate,  and  lazy. 

Despite  the  death  of  so  many  of  the  leaders  of  the  struggles 
during  the  twenties,  the  changes  due  to  economic  and  social 
causes,  the  shifting  of  the  center  of  population  northward,  and 
the  acute  sectionalism  that  occurred,  there  is  a  marked  con- 
tinuity of  political  lines  from  the  days  of  the  territory  down  to 
and  through  the  period  when  the  Whig  party  contested  with  the 
Democrats  for  political  supremacy.  The  anti-conventionists 
were  on  the  whole  made  up  of  the  Edwards  faction  plus  the 
new  comers  in  the  northern  counties,  while  their  opponents  in  the 
slavery  struggle  were  led  at  least  by  the  leaders  of  the  anti- 
Edwards  faction.  The  bulk  of  the  former  supported  Adams; 
of  the  latter,  Crawford.  After  the  elections  of  1824,  there  ap- 
peared three  distinct  elements.  One  opposed  Jackson's  preten- 


41]  GENESIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  41 

sions  for  the  presidency;  a  second  favored  Jackson,  but  was 
unwilling  to  go  to  the  length  to  which  Jackson's  managers  de- 
sired; the  third  manifested  a  willingness  to  go  to  any  extreme 
for  Jackson.  To  the  first  element  belonged  very  distinctly  the 
new  settlers  in  the  northern  counties,  and  many  from  the  ranks 
of  the  Edwards  faction ;  the  second  consisted  of  men  possessing 
unsettled  political  convictions,  made  up  in  large  part  of  mem- 
bers of  the  Edwards  party ;  the  ultra  Jackson  element  coincided 
roughly  with  the  old  convention  party.  In  time  the  position  of  the 
moderate  Jackson  element  became  untenable,  and  it  was  broken 
up,  a  part  going  into  the  ranks  of  the  National  Republican  party, 
another  part  joining  itself  to  the  more  ultra  Jackson  wing.  This 
transition  affected  politics  materially.  The  coalescing  of  the 
Jackson  wings  tended  to  render  the  ultras  more  moderate,  while 
those  Jackson  men  who  went  into  the  opposition  ranks  became 
radical  anti-Jackson  men. 

Thus,  beginning  with  the  opposition  to  Van  Buren  in  1831, 
the  anti-Jackson  party  received  a  constant  stream  of  recruits 
from  the  Jacksonian  ranks.  Some  of  them  were  friends  of  the 
United  States  Bank,  others  were  disappointed  office  seekers,  and 
still  others  were  radical  opponents  of  Van  Buren. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  EMERGENCE  OP  THE  WHIG  PABTY. 
1834-1839. 

The  fourth  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century  marks  a  turning 
point  in  the  economic,  social,  and  political  life  of  the  people  of 
Illinois.  During  these  ten  years  an  enormous  public  debt  was 
saddled  upon  the  state  in  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  create  a  vast 
system  of  internal  improvements ;  the  increase  in  population  was 
three  fold,  made  up  in  great  part  of  immigrants  from  New 
England  and  New  York,  who  brought  in  ideals  of  life  differing 
somewhat  from  those  which  guided  a  majority  of  the  older  set- 
tlers; and,  what  is  not  less  important,  there  gradually  emerged 
from  the  clashing  factions  two  distinct  political  parties  that  con- 
tinued to  divide  the  people  for  twenty  years. 

Coincident  with  this  emergence  came  a  state  wide  demand  for 
internal  improvements  and  state  banks;  and  the  unanimity  of 
this  demand  partially  hid  political  cleavages,  and  retarded  for  a 
time  unqualified  adherence  on  the  part  of  individuals  to  one  or 
the  other  political  party.  The  people,  in  common  with  those  in 
the  older  settled  sections  of  the  East  and  South,  were  vitally 
interested  in  national  issues,  but  their  struggle  for  economic 
and  social  freedom  demanded  and  received  the  major  share  of 
their  attention.  Sectional  differences,  which  were  held  in  check 
during  the  boom  days  of  the  middle  thirties,  broke  out  later  with 
increased  fury  when  attempts  were  made  to  place  responsibility 
for  the  failure  of  the  banking  and  internal  improvements  schemes. 

The  Whig  party  solidified  much  more  slowly  than  did  its 
great  rival.  The  various  anti-administration  elements  that  com- 
bined rather  loosely  during  the  first  few  years  after  the  term 
"Whig"  became  a  party  appellation,  had  but  one  thing  in  com- 
mon,— opposition  to  Van  Buren.  They  differed  over  the  tariff, 
the  United  States  Bank,  and  national  aid  for  internal  improve- 
ments. One  faction  was  enthusiastic  for  Clay,  another  opposed 
him  with  great  determination,  while  yet  another  faction  looked  to 
Adams  or  Webster  for  political  guidance.  Fortunately  for  the 

42 


43]  THE  EMERGENCE  OF  THE  WHIG  PARTY  43 

Whigs  during  these  years,  their  opponents,  who  were  in  the 
majority,  did  not  always  agree  among  themselves ;  and  by  taking 
advantage  of  the  divisions  arising  from  these  disagreements,  the 
Whigs  were  able  many  times  to  guide  legislation  and  give  moral 
support  to  the  party  in  the  nation. 

Throughout  the  years  1833  and  1834,  Illinois  politics  were  in 
a  chaotic  condition,  due  in  part  to  disorganization  among  the  anti- 
Jackson  men,  in  part  to  the  rapid  disintegration  of  the  ' '  milk  and 
cider"  Jackson  faction,  and  in  part  to  mutual  jealousies  among 
the  ultra- Jackson  leaders.  Jackson's  veto  of  the  bank  bill,  his 
order  to  withdraw  the  deposits,  his  opposition  to  federal  aid  for 
internal  improvements,  and  his  efforts  to  name  Van  Buren  as  his 
successor  to  the  presidency  caused  a  considerable  defection  from 
the  Democratic  ranks.  These  rapid  and  many  sided  transitions 
threw  together  voters  that  were  but  lately  bitter  political  an- 
tagonists, and  as  was  to  be  expected,  there  was  a  lack  of  mutual 
confidence  and  happy  co-operation  among  them.  Moreover,  there 
were  many  minor  differences  that  kept  these  heterogeneous  ele- 
ments from  coalescing  completely,  while  the  principal,  if  not  the 
only  force,  binding  them  together  was  a  sort  of  common  but  ill- 
defined  opposition  to  the  national  administration  in  general  and 
to  Van  Buren  in  particular.  There  were  to  be  found  enrolled  in 
the  ranks  of  those  opposed  to  the  national  administration,  former 
ultra-Jackson  men  who  had  failed  to  secure  what  they  con- 
sidered adequate  recognition  in  the  distribution  of  offices,  others 
who  refused  to  support  Van  Buren,  claiming  that  their  allegiance 
to  Jackson  had  ceased  with  his  re-election  in  1832,  yet  others  who 
had  become  disgusted  with  the  abuses  and  excesses  of  Jack- 
son's advisers,  and  finally  that  large  element  which  had  been  in 
opposition  since  the  days  of  the  presidential  struggle  of  1824  and 
1825.  Because  of  the  personnel  of  the  opposition,  no  one  could 
estimate  with  any  degree  of  certainty  the  strength  of  either  the 
Jackson  or  the  anti-Jackson  party,  and  the  leaders  of  the  latter 
party  moved  cautiously  and  slowly,  awaiting  some  test  whereby 
the  strength  of  their  following  might  be  ascertained. 

During  this  period  of  political  unrest  occurred  the  guberna- 
torial campaign  and  election  of  1834.  For  more  than  a  year 
before  the  election,  candidates  for  governor  were  being  groomed 
by  many  newspapers  and  localities,  each  endeavoring  to  convince 
the  others  that  its  choice  was  the  logical  one.  There  was,  how- 
ever, a  widespread  demand  that  General  James  D.  Henry  offer 


44  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [44 

himself  for  the  office,1  but  because  of  ill  health  resulting  from 
exposure  in  Indian  warfare,  he  declined  the  honor.  After  con- 
siderable maneuvering  on  the  part  of  prospective  candidates  and 
their  respective  friends,  the  field  narrowed  to  four  contestants: 
William  Kinney  of  St.  Clair  County,  Robert  K.  McLaughlin  of 
Fayette,  Joseph  Duncan  of  Morgan,  and  James  Adams  of 
Sangamon. 

Mr.  Kinney  was  widely  known  throughout  the  state,  having 
been  lieutenant  governor  during  the  Edwards  administration 
from  1826  to  1830,  and  an  unsuccessful  candidate  for  governor 
against  John  Reynolds  in  1830.  Early  in  1834,  Kinney  was 
chosen  as  a  candidate  for  governor  in  a  convention  held  at 
Belleville,  and  immediately  afterward  he  issued  a  long  address 
"To  the  Independent  Voters  of  the  State  of  Illinois."2  A  few 
months  later  McLaughlin,  familiarly  known  as  "Uncle  Mac," 
was  named  by  a  convention  held  at  Vandalia.3  While  McLaugh- 
lin was  not  so  well  known  to  the  people  as  was  Kinney,  he  was 
no  stranger,  for  besides  being  state  treasurer  from  1819  to  1823 
he  had  been  prominent  as  a  citizen  of  the  state  capital  and  a 
member  of  the  General  Asembly,  and  his  relation  to  Duncan 
and  Governor  Bond  added  to  his  prestige.  Duncan,  who  had 
been  continuously  in  the  National  House  of  Representatives 
since  1827,  was  the  choice  of  newspapers  and  politicians  located 
in  every  part  of  the  state,  and  from  the  very  beginning  of  his 
active  candidacy  in  1833,  his  chances  of  success  appeared  to  be 
better  than  those  of  his  opponents.  Little  is  known  of  Adams. 
He  was  a  candidate  for  office  both  before  and  after  this  time  and 
appears  to  have  been  uniformly  unsuccessful.  Of  the  four  can- 
didates, Kinney  and  McLaughlin  were  "whole  hog"  Jackson 
men,  Duncan  an  "unreliable"  Jackson  man,  and  Adams  an 
ultra  anti-Jackson  man.4 

So  far  as  the  supporters  of  Kinney  and  McLaughlin  were 
concerned,  the  term  "unreliable"  fitted  Duncan's  political 
affiliations  exactly.  They  were  thoroughly  convinced  that  he  was 
not  a  supporter  of  the  national  administration,  even  though  he 
had  been  repeatedly  elected  to  Congress  as  a  Jackson  man.  At 

^Alton  Spectator,  March  18,  1834. 
2 Alton  American,  January  17,  1834. 
'Ibid.,  May  12,  1834. 

^Chicago  Democrat,  July  23,  1834;  see  also  Alton  Spectator,  May  8, 
1834- 


45]  THE  EMERGENCE  OF  THE  WHIG  PARTY  45 

the  beginning  of  his  career  in  national  affairs  in  1827,  Duncan 
was  undeniably  a  radical  Jackson  man  at  Washington,  and  a 
loyal  member  of  the  "whole  hog"  Jackson  faction  in  Illinois; 
but  even  as  early  as  1831,  rumors  of  his  defection  from  the  party 
were  rife ;  and  by  1833  it  was  well  known  in  many  quarters  that 
he  was  completely  out  of  harmony  with  the  administration,  and 
especially  with  the  president's  unofficial  advisers.  This  opposi- 
tion to  the  administration  is  the  crux  of  the  entire  controversy 
about  Duncan's  alleged  defection  from  the  Democratic  party. 
The  truth  about  the  matter  is  that  he  never  considered  for  a 
moment  that  he  had  changed  his  political  position  in  the  least, 
but  rather  did  he  consider  that  Van  Buren  and  others  had 
influenced  Jackson  to  take  a  course  contrary  to  that  which  he 
had  entered  upon  at  the  beginning  of  his  presidential  career  in 
1829.  Duncan  had  no  quarrel  with  Jackson  the  man,  and  very 
little  if  any  with  Jackson  the  president ;  for  the  men  around  the 
president  he  had  a  mixed  feeling  of  suspicion  and  contempt. 
True,  Jackson  had  vetoed  the  bank  bill,  and  had  ordered  the 
withdrawal  of  the  deposits,  but  in  either  case  Duncan  was  willing 
to  believe  that  the  responsibility  for  his  act  rested  morally  upon 
the  president's  official  and  unofficial  advisers  and  not  upon  the 
president  himself.  Duncan's  hostile  attitude  was  very  generally 
known  in  the  better  informed  communities  of  the  state,  and  in  a 
surprisingly  large  number  of  cases  it  was  endorsed  by  ultra 
Jackson  men.5  Throughout  the  campaign  Duncan  remained  in 
the  East,  sending  from  time  to  time,  letters  and  addresses  to  the 
newspapers  favorable  to  his  candidacy,6  thus  depending  not  upon 
a  personal  appeal  to  the  voters  but  rather  upon  his  congressional 
record  and  personal  popularity.7 

5Just  how  well  Duncan's  attitude  was  understood  must  necessarily 
remain  conjectural.  Different  newspapers  and  localities  regarded  it  dif- 
ferently. The  generalization  made  here  is  based  upon  the  following 
sources:  I'andalia  Whig  and  Illinois  Intelligencer,  April  3,  1834;  Sangamo 
Journal,  October  4,  December  6,  1834;  The  Western  Hemisphere,  August 
27,  October  i,  1834;  Alton  Spectator,  May  8,  1834;  Chicago  Democrat, 
July  23,  August  27,  1834;  Chicago  American,  July  23,  1834;  A.  F.  Grant 
to  J.  Dement,  June  26,  1833;  J.  Reynolds  to  A.  F.  Grant,  February  17, 
1834.  (Eddy  MSS.) 

6 Alton  Spectator,  March  4,  1834;  Chicago  American,  July  23,  1834. 

7See  Chicago  American,  July  23,  1834;  Chicago  Democrat,  September 
17,  1834- 


46  THE   ILLINOIS   WHIGS  [46 

Duncan  was  elected  by  a  substantial  majority,  being  sup- 
ported very  generally  by  the  anti-Jackson  party,  which  gave 
surprisingly  slender  support  to  Adams;  by  the  remnant  of  the 
"milk  and  cider"  Jackson  faction,  most  of  whom  were  out  of 
sympathy  with  Kinney  and  McLaughlin ;  and  finally  by  a  large 
number  of  the  rank  and  file  of  the  ultra  Jackson  faction,  some 
because  they  had  voted  for  Duncan  for  years  and  thus  acquired 
the  habit,  others  because  of  his  clean  public  and  brilliant  military 
record,  yet  others  because  they  did  not  know  or  did  not  believe 
the  stories  about  his  hostility  toward  the  Jackson  administration.8 
The  governor-elect  carried,  by  a  majority  vote,  all  the  counties 
north  and  east  of  the  mouth  of  the  Illinois  River, — Macoupin, 
Sangamon,  Montgomery,  Coles  and  Shelby  excepted,  —  the 
counties  of  Lawrence,  "Wabash,  Edwards,  White  and  Gallatin  in 
the  southeast,  Alexander  and  Pope  in  the  extreme  southern  part 
of  the  state,  and  Madison  and  Jackson  in  the  southwest.  In 
addition  he  carried  by  a  plurality  vote,  Crawford,  St.  Clair, 
Coles  and  Sangamon  counties.  Although  the  Kinney  strength 
was  confined  to  southern  Illinois,  it  was  less  sectional  than  that 
given  Adams  or  McLaughlin.  Adams'  strength  lay  almost 
entirely  within  the  counties  of  Sangamon  and  Tazewell,  neither 
of  whicli  was  he  able  to  carry;  McLaughlin 's  support  was  con- 
fined on  the  whole  to  Fayette  and  adjoining  counties,  and  to  the 
territory  west  of  the  Illinois  River.9  Duncan's  strength  in  such 

8This  generalization  is  based  upon  a  careful  study  of  election  returns 
from  typical  counties,  upon  private  correspondence  of  public  men,  and 
upon  newspaper  accounts.  See  MSS.  Election  Returns  in  Coles,  Sanga- 
mon, Edwards,  Macoupin,  Fayette  counties,  Eddy  MSS.;  and  the  follow- 
ing newspapers  for  the  years  1833  and  1834:  Alton  Spectator,  Alton 
American,  Chicago  Democrat,  Chicago  American,  Vandalia  Whig  and 
Illinois  Intelligencer,  Illinois  Advocate,  and  State  Register. 

9The  political  nature  of  the  McLaughlin  support  is  not  entirely  clear. 
In  Springfield  the  nine  McLaughlin  -votes  were  divided  among  the  other 
candidates  as  follows  :  For  Congressman — Mills,  6 ;  May,  3 ;  for  Lieuten- 
ant-governor— Archer,  6;  Jenkins,  2;  Evans,  i.  MSS.  Election  Returns, 
Springfield  (Court  House).  (Note:  Speaking  generally,  May,  Jenkins, 
and  Evans  were  Democrats,  and  Archer  and  Mills  were  Whigs.)  The 
same  general  distribution  of  McLaughlin  votes  occurred  in  Macoupin  and 
other  counties.  See  MSS.  Election  Returns  in  respective  counties. 

The  confusion  of  this  election  is  further  illustrated  by  an  examina- 
tion of  the  votes  of  several  men  then  prominent  politically :  S.  Francis, 
editor  of  Sanganw  Journal,  voted  for  McLaughlin,  Archer,  and  Mills; 


47]  THE  EMERGENCE  OP  THE  WHIG  PARTY  47 

anti-Jackson  counties  as  Sangamon,  Edwards,  Coles,  Morgan  and 
Vermilion,  indicates  that  the  anti-Jackson  people  believed 
that  Duncan  was  in  sympathy  with  their  cause.  In  the  light  of 
this  election  and  Duncan's  subsequent  actions  and  utterances, 
one  can  say  with  a  reasonable  degree  of  assurance  that  Duncan 
was  a  Whig  in  principle  at  the  time  of  his  election  as  governor 
in  August,  1834.10 

The  Jackson-Van  Buren  forces,  however,  were  very  generally 
successful  in  the  election  of  1834.  Besides  the  lieutenant-gov- 
ernor and  the  entire  congressional  delegation,  they  elected  a 
majority  of  the  members  of  the  General  Assembly.  Such  results 
indicate  conclusively  that  Illinois  was  still  loyal  to  the  president 
in  spite  of  his  insistence  that  Van  Buren  should  be  his  successor, 
and  of  his  hostile  attitude  toward  federal  aid  for  internal 
improvements  and  toward  the  United  States  Bank.11 

The  Ninth  General  Assembly,  which  convened  for  its  first 
session  December  1,  1834,  was  composed  of  eighty-one  members, 
of  which  number  ten  senators  and  eighteen  representatives  were 
unmistakably  anti-Jackson  men.12  The  retiring  executive  was  a 

Job  Fletcher,  for  Duncan,  Archer,  and  Mills;  A.  G.  Herndon,  for  Kinney, 
Evans,  and  May;  Peter  Cartwright,  for  Adams,  Jenkins  and  May;  N. 
W.  Edwards,  for  Duncan,  Jenkins,  and  Mills ;  Bowling  Green,  for  Kin- 
ney, Archer,  and  Mills.  All  the  votes  except  that  of  Bowling  Green  may 
be  found  in  Sangamon  County  Court  House;  that  of  Green  in  State 
Historical  Library. 

10It  has  seemed  to  the  writer  for  some  little  time  that  Duncan  ought  to  be 
classed  in  the  Illinois  Blue  Book  and  other  public  documents  as  a  Whig. 
Criticism  of  classification  may  be  carried  still  further.  It  is  the  custom 
to  class  all  the  early  state  officers  as  Democrats  in  spite  of  the  fact  that 
many  of  them  supported  Adams  in  1828  and  Clay  in  1832.  The  use  of 
terminology  has  been  abused  in  places  where  one  would  expect  better 
scholarship  to  prevail.  Thus  newspapers  have  been  called  Whig  as  early 
as  1828  when  the  idea  intended  to  be  conveyed  was  that  they  were  anti- 
Jackson. 

"William  B.  Archer,  candidate  for  lieutenant-governor,  came  out 
squarely  on  a  platform  favoring  the  United  States  Bank,  and  the  8573 
votes  polled  for  him  represent  perhaps  the  approximate  strength  of  the 
Whigs  in  Illinois  at  that  time.  MSS.  Election  Returns,  (Secretary  of 
State's  Office,  Springfield,  Illinois)  ;  Sangamo  Journal,  August  2,  1834. 

12First  session :  Senate — 9  Whigs,  I  anti-bank  Whig,  14  Democrats, 
2  anti-Van  Buren  Democrats ;  House — 14  Whigs,  4  anti-bank  Whigs,  35 
Democrats,  i  anti-Van  Buren  Democrat,  i  Bank  Democrat.  Second  Ses- 
sion:  Senate — 9  Whigs,  i  Anti-Bank  Whig,  13  Democrats,  3  anti-Van 


48  THE   ILLINOIS   WHIGS  [48 

• 

Jackson  adherent,  less  radical  in  his  support  of  the  president 
than  were  many  of  his  colleagues  but  a  true  out  and  out  Jackson 
man.  He  took  the  opportunity  in  what  was  his  first  as  well  as 
his  last  message  to  the  General  Assembly  to  denounce  the  United 
States  Bank  in  no  uncertain  terms.  He  declared  "That  it  has 
produced  all  the  real  and  unreal  disasters  complained  of  in  the 
commercial  community — that  it  has  interfered  in  the  political 
elections  of  our  country — corrupted  the  public  press,  and  pros- 
trated its  legitimate  purposes — thrown  the  gauntlets  of  defiance 
at  the  people  of  the  nation — insulted  them  in  the  person  of  their 
venerable  Chief  Magistrate — perpetrated  acts  of  bold  and  daring 
usurpation — violated  the  provisions  of  its  charter — .  .  .  That 
the  exasperated  managers  of  this  institution  are  the  authors  of 
all  the  partizan  strife  and  excitement  which  now  convulse  the 
country — .  .  ,"13 

Governor  Duncan's  attitude  toward  national  affairs  was 
much  less  radical  than  that  which  Ewing  had  taken.  Without 
expressing  any  opinion  whatever  on  the  merits  of  the  controversy 
between  the  United  States  Bank  and  the  president,  the  governor- 
elect  contented  himself  with  merely  analysing  the  functions  of 
banking.  For  the  president's  disapproval  of  the  bill  for  improv- 
ing the  Wabash  River,  Duncan  had  no  words  of  censure.  He 
believed  that  Jackson's  opinions  had  been  hastily  formed,  and 
that  upon  a  more  mature  deliberation  he  would  sign  such  a  bill 
if  the  opportunity  should  offer.14  These  references  to  national 
affairs  by  both  governors  are  of  the  greatest  political  importance. 
While  Duncan's  utterances  are  rather  colorless,  those  of  Ewing 
reflected  exactly  the  feeling  of  the  party  that  was  supporting 
Jackson  and  Van  Buren.  Besides,  discussions  of  these  utter- 
ances gave  the  General  Asembly  an  opportunity  to  go  on  record 
for  or  against  the  national  administration,  and  this  record  is  the 
principal  basis  upon  which  a  determination  of  political  affilia- 
tions of  this  period  must  be  made. 

Buren  Democrats ;  House — 13  Whigs,  4  anti-bank  Whigs,  36  Democrats, 
i  anti-Van  Buren  Democrat,  I  Bank  Democrat. 

NOTE.  It  is  impossible  to  give  references  to  show  the  political  affilia- 
tion of  each  member  of  this  or  other  General  Assemblies.  To  determine 
this  point,  newspapers,  local  histories,  election  returns,  votes  in  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly  on  political  issues  have  been  used.  See  Appendix. 

lsSenate  Journal,  1834-5,  P-  13;  House  Journal,  1834-5,  p.  14. 

14Duncan's  message  to  General  Assembly  is  found  in  Senate  Journal, 
1834-5,  P-  21  ff. ;  House  Journal,  1834-5,  P-  25  ff. 


49]  THE  EMERGENCE  OF  THE  WHIG  PARTY  49 

A  striking  political  characteristic  of  the  early  days  of  this 
session  of  the  General  Assembly,  was  the  utter  impossibility  on 
the  part  of  the  leaders  to  determine  the  exact  political  affiliation 
of  many  of  their  colleagues.  It  is  well  known  now  that  a  ma- 
jority in  each  house  favored  the  national  administration,  yet  on 
many  of  the  most  important  legislative  committees  this  majority 
had  but  a  minority  representation.15  Among  the  rank  and  file 
of  the  Assembly  there  was  considerable  uncertainty  as  to  whom 
they  should  support  for  the  United  States  Senate.  Mr.  Archer, 
who  two  years  before  had  opposed  resolutions  upholding  Jackson 
in  his  struggle  with  nullification,  was  supported  by  a  mere  hand- 
ful of  the  more  radical  anti-Jackson  men ;  the  less  radical  divided 
their  votes  between  John  M.  Robinson  and  Richard  M.  Young, 
both  supporters  of  Jackson.  Lincoln  supported  the  latter,  and 
ten  years  later  in  a  warning  to  his  party  not  to  divide  its  strength 
by  supporting  its  less  objectionable  foes  alluded  with  a  consider- 
able feeling  of  regret  to  this  support.18 

Despite  a  failure  of  the  minority  in  the  General  Assembly 
to  unite  on  a  candidate  for  the  United  States  Senate,  it  was  gen- 
erally a  unit  on  political  issues;  in  fact  the  introduction  of 
political  issues,  particularly  those  concerning  national  affairs, 
had  a  tremendous  influence  in  crystallizing  parties.  When  the 
majority  attempted  to  put  through  a  resolution  endorsing  Jack- 
son's attitude  toward  the  bank,  the  minority  opposed  its  passage 
at  every  step.17  Even  after  the  resolution  was  passed  a  counter 
one  was  introduced  and  supported  to  a  man  by  the  anti-Jackson 
members.  Although  unsuccessful  in  their  attempt  to  put  the 
General  Assembly  on  record  as  favoring  the  continuation  of  the 
United  States  Bank,  the  anti-Jackson  forces  in  the  house  suc- 
ceeded in  having  passed  a  resolution  which  gave  it  as  the  opinion 
of  that  body  that,  "the  establishment  of  a  National  Bank,  with 
a  branch  in  each  state,  by  the  consent  or  request  of  its  Legisla- 
ture, properly  restricted  and  guarded  in  its  operations,  is  neces- 

13E.  g.  Senate  Committees:  Finance-Snyder,  Taylor  (Dem.);  Mather, 
Mills,  Bond  (Whig).  Judiciary — Ewing  (Dem.)  ;  Edwards,  Gatewood, 
Williams,  Thomas  (Whig). 

House  Committees:  Finance — Whiteside,  Hackelton,  Link  (Dem.); 
Ross,  Moore,  Webb,  Blackwell  (Whig). 

16Senate  Journal,  1834-5,  p.  119;  House  Journal,  1834-5,  P-  X42  ft-> 
Alton  Telegraph,  March  25,  1843. 

l7House  Journal,  1834-5,  PP-  214-17,  258-63.  For  vote  on  similar  reso- 
lution in  the  senate,  see  Senate  Journal,  1834-5,  P-  2°8  ff. 


50  THE   ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [50 

sary  to  establish  a  sound  and  uniform  currency  in  the  United 
States ;  and  also  to  afford  the  necessary  facilities  to  the  General 
Government  in  transporting  its  funds."18  While  the  friends  of 
the  national  administration  as  a  party  were  naturally  hostile 
to  any  kind  of  a  national  bank,  a  sufficient  number  in  the  house 
recognized  the  necessities  expressed  in  the  resolution  and  voted 
for  it. 

The  two  important  state  policies  discussed  and  passed  upon 
during  this  session  were  the  creation  of  two  banks,  and  provisions 
for  securing  money  for  a  canal.19  In  neither  case  was  the  vote  on 
political  lines.  Of  the  twenty-seven  members  of  the  minority 
voting  on  the  bank  bill,  thirteen  voted  for  and  fourteen  against 
it.  The  support  of  the  canal  was  not  less  general,  and  many  of 
the  most  enthusiastic  friends  of  that  measure  were  from  the 
southern  part  of  the  state. 

On  account  of  deaths  and  resignations  the  personnel  of  the 
second  session  of  the  ninth  General  Assembly,  which  convened 
December  7,  1835,  was  somewhat  changed,  but  the  ratio  of  the 
number  of  either  party  to  the  whole  number  of  members  remained 
practically  the  same.20  On  the  third  day  of  the  session  a  resolu- 

18House  Journal,   1834-5,  P-   356;   Senate  Journal,   1834-5,  p.  315  ff. 

19For  notice  of  internal  improvements  see  Senate  Journal,  1834-5, 
p.  228  ff.,  360  ff.,  1835-6,  p.  7;  House  Journal,  1834-5,  P-  225  ff-.  3?8  ff. 
(Note. — House  proceedings  for  February  4,  5,  and  6,  and  for  parts  of 
February  3  and  /,  1835,  are  not  printed  in  the  House  Journal  of  1834-5. 
They  are  bound  in  House  Journal,  1835-6,  pages  373-414),  1835-6,  p.  8; 
Law s  of  Illinois,  1834-5,  p.  222,  1835-6,  p.  145  ff. ;  Putnam,  Economic  His- 
tory of  the  Illinois-Michigan  Canal,  274-5 '»  Greene  and  Thompson,  Gov- 
ernors' Letter-Books,  II,  Ixii  ff. ;  Davidson  and  Stuve,  History  of  Illinois, 
1673-1884,  p.  478  ff. ;  Chicago  Democrat,  March  25,  1835,  January  20,  1836, 
passim.;  Douglas,  Autobiography  (Journal  111.  State  Hist.  Society),  Octo- 
ber, 1912,  p.  341. 

For  a  notice  of  state  bank  legislation  see  Laws  of  Illinois,  1834-5, 
p.  7  ff. ;  Senate  Journal,  1834-5,  P-'  360;  House  Journal,  1834-5,  P-  5I2J 
Davidson  and  Stuve,  History  of  Illinois,  416  ff. ;  Knox,  A  History  of 
Banking  in  the  United  States,  65 ;  Greene  and  Thompson,  Governors' 
Letter-Books,  II,  xii;  Annals  of  the  West,  779  ff. ;  Chicago  Democrat, 
December  7,  1836;  Dowrie,  De'celopmcnt  of  Banking  in  Illinois,  59  ff. 

20Changes  in  Second  Session:  Senate — Fletcher  (W)  vice  Taylor 
(D)  ;  Herndon  (anti-Van  B.)  vice  Forquer  (D)  ;  Parrish  (D)  vice  Will 
(D)  ;  Servant  (W)  vice  Mather  (W)  ;  Strode  (D)  vice  Stephenson  (D)  ; 
Weatherford  (D)  vice  Jones  (W).  House— Blackford  (D)  vice  Mc- 
Henry  (D)  ;  Buckmaster  (D)  vice  Thomas  (D)  ;  Craig  (D)  vice  Dough- 


51]  THE  EMERGENCE  OF  THE  WHIG  PARTY  51 

tion  was  introduced  in  the  senate  directing  the  United  States 
senators  from  Illinois  to  use  their  influence  in  having  expunged 
from  the  senate  records  the  vote  of  censure  against  President 
Jackson  for  ordering  the  withdrawal  of  deposits  from  the  United 
States  Bank.21  In  voting  upon  this  resolution  the  Whigs  did  not 
hesitate  to  oppose  Jackson  and  his  bank  policy;  they  voted  in- 
effectually but  solidly  in  the  negative,  not  because  of  their  great 
sympathy  for  the  bank  and  the  principles  for  which  it  stood, 
but  rather  to  lessen  Jackson 's  influence  in  general,  and  to  mini- 
mize the  influence  of  his  endorsement  of  Van  Buren  in  par- 
ticular.22 

The  most  important  political  acts  of  this  session  were  the 
seconding  of  presidential  nominations,  and  the  contest  over  party 
names.  A  senate  resolution  endorsing  White  for  the  presidency, 
and  condemning  the  Van  Buren  party  for  assuming  to  deny  to 
the  Whigs  the  use  of  the  name  "Democracy"  was  introduced  by 

erty  (D)  ;  Pace  (D)  vice  Anderson  (D)  ;  Porter  (D)  vice  McGahey 
(D)  ;  Smith  (D)  vice  Ficklin  (W)  ;  Turney  (D)  vice  Link  (D)  ;  Wood 
(D)vice  Rowan  (D). 

"For  comment  from  western  standpoint,  see  Western  Hemisphere, 
May  21,  1834. 

—Senate  Journal,  1835-6,  p.  12,  passim;  House  Journal,  1835-6,  p. 
62  ff.  The  transmission  of  these  resolutions  to  the  senators  from  Illi- 
nois— Robinson  and  Kane — gave  Governor  Duncan  the  opportunity  of 
putting  himself  on  record  against  the  administration.  How  well  he 
improved  this  opportunity  is  shown  by  his  letter  of  transmittal :  "This 
contest  between  the  president  and  the  senate,  as  a  party  measure,  to  my 
mind,  is  assuming  the  most  alarming  aspect;  the  one  possessing  all 
power,  the  fount  of  all  honor,  the  dispenser  of  all  favor,  holding  the 
absolute  power  over  the  will  of  one  hundred  thousand  dependents,  whose 
patronage  makes  him  the  idol  of  all  the  ambitious  hungry  office  seekers 
in  the  land;  the  other  having  no  benefits  to  bestow,  no  mercenary  de- 
pendents wielding  the  press  or  the  bludgeon  in  the  defense,  and  required 
by  the  constitution  to  perform  the  odious  duties  of  rejecting  bad  men 
from  office,  and  resisting  executive  enroachment — in  such  a  contest,  un- 
less the  people  rally  to  the  defense  of  the  senate  who  can  doubt  that  the 
result  will  be  total  prostration."  For  Duncan's  entire  letter,  see  Niks' 
Register,  L.,  128;  Alton  Telegraph,  March  9,  1836.  It  was  during  the 
debates  over  this  resolution  that  the  well  known  term  "slasher  gaff" 
originated.  John  S.  Hacker,  state  senator  from  Alexander  and  Union 
counties,  used  the  expression  to  indicate  the  extremes  to  which  many  of 
the  followers  of  Jackson  were  willing  to  go  in  his  support.  See  Alton 
Telegraph,  December  14,  1836. 


52  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [52 

Mr.  Davidson  of  White  County.  Its  passage  was  by  a  bare 
majority,  thirteen  to  twelve,  all  the  Whigs  voting  in  the  affirma- 
tive.23 The  House,  not  to  be  outdone  by  the  upper  chamber, 
resolved  that,  "the  false  and  arrogant  claims  of  the  Webster, 
White,  and  Harrison  party,  to  the  exclusive  use  of  the  ancient 
and  honorable  name  of  Whig  was  grossly  unjust."  The  same 
resolution  endorsed  Van  Buren 's  candidacy  for  the  presidency. 
Being  in  a  hopeless  minority  in  the  house  the  Whigs  resorted  to 
underhand  parliamentary  tactics.  Attempts  to  make  the  resolu- 
tion odious  by  saddling  it  with  an  amendment  endorsing  the  con- 
vention system  failed  by  a  single  vote.  More  drastic  measures 
were  then  resorted  to  under  the  leadership  of  Webb  and  Lincoln ; 
amendments,  and  amendments  to  amendments,  dealing  with  the 
franchise,  negroes,  and  pre-emption  were  offered;  unsuccessful 
attempts  to  adjourn  were  made ;  impossible  divisions  of  the 
question  were  demanded;  and  appeals  from  the  decision  of  the 
chair  were  taken  to  the  house.  But  the  resolutions  were  passed 
despite  such  tactics,  every  Whig  present  except  one  voting 
against  them.-4 

In  the  appointment  of  directors  for  the  State  Bank  of 
Illinois,  and  commissioners  for  the  canal,  party  lines  were  rather 
strictly  adhered  to.  Both  banks  had  directorates  almost  unani- 
mously Whig.-"  On  the  first  canal  board  the  Whigs  were  in  the 
majority,  and  upon  the  re-organization  of  this  board  following 
the  supplementary  canal  act  of  1836  all  its  members  were  Whig. 
Opposition  to  the  confirmation  of  several  of  these  Whig  ap- 
pointees by  Democratic  members  of  the  state  senate,  indicates 
that  there  was  a  feeling  that  the  governor  was  partial  to  his 
political  friends  in  making  appointments.  This,  however,  is  but 
one  instance  of  many,  where  the  Whigs  by  the  very  force  of 
enthusiasm  and  unity  in  the  ranks  and  of  ability  in  leadership, 
were  able,  although  in  the  minority,  to  outvote  their  opponents 
by  taking  advantage  of  division  in  their  ranks.  This  is  well 
illustrated  in  the  strenuous  opposition  in  the  house  to  the  Van 
Buren  resolutions  already  mentioned.  It  contrasts  sharply  to  the 
indifference  and  demoralization  of  the  Democrats  in  the  senate 
when  the  anti-Van  Buren  resolutions  were  carried  in  that  body 

-^Senate  Journal,  1835-6,  p.  76  ff.  For  protest  against  resolution,  see 
Ibid..  355  ff. 

-* House  Journal,  1835-6.  pp.  2H-I2.  233-40;  Senate  Journal,  1835-6, 
p.  175  ff. 

-"Reports  of  Committees  (U.  S.),  1836-37,  III,  605  passim. 


53]  THE  EMERGENCE  OF  THE  WHIG  PARTY  53 

in  the  face  of  a  Democratic  majority  of  almost  two  to  one.  The 
explanation  for  such  disorganization  in  the  Democratic  ranks 
between  the  years  1832  and  1836  is  to  be  found  in  the  opposition 
in  that  party  to  Van  Buren. 

The  endorsement  of  White 's  candidacy  by  the  Illinois  senate 
in  1835,  made  him  the  logical  candidate  in  that  state  of  all  the 
parties  and  factions  opposed  to  the  Van  Buren  candidacy.  After 
the  adjournment  of  the  General  Assembly,  prominent  anti-Van 
Buren  men  met  at  Springfield  and  formally  nominated  White 
for  the  presidency.26  The  same  body  appointed  a  committee  to 
prepare  an  address  to  the  voters  of  the  state,  and  a  little  later 
Whig  papers  began  to  declare  their  adherence  to  the  White  cause 
by  carrying  at  the  head  of  their  political  columns  the  names  of 
the  five  White  electors,  all  of  whom  were  anti-Van  Buren  Jackson 
men.  Without  a  single  notable  exception  all  the  Democratic 
papers  of  the  state  opposed  White,  declaring,  as  did  many  of  the 
papers  in  Tennessee,  that  he  had  ceased  to  be  an  orthodox  party 
man  by  his  opposition  to  Jackson's  choice  for  the  presidency.27 
For  the  sake  of  consistency  the  anti-Van  Buren  Democrats,  who 
refused  to  come  out  openly  as  Whigs  even  after  White  had  been 
read  out  of  the  party  by  the  papers  of  his  own  state,  declared 
that  he  was  no  less  a  Democrat  and  Jackson  man  than  was  Van 
Buren,  and  that  their  support  of  the  Tennesseean  against  the 
' '  Little  Wizard ' '  was  in  no  manner  an  indication  that  they  were 
not  true  and  orthodox  Democrats.28 

For  a  year  or  more  the  campaign  went  on  with  the  Van 
Buren  Democrats  opposed  by  a  coalition  of  Whigs  and  White 
Democrats.29  Murmurs  of  dissatisfaction  arose  after  a  time  in 

2eSangamo  Journal,  June  20,  1835. 

-''Nashville  Union,  May  17,  September  15,  1836. 

28A.  G.  Herndon  in  State  Register,  June  19,  1840. 

29This  opposition  was  called  by  the  Democratic  press,  "piebald  party." 
See  State  Register,  October  14,  1836.  The  Sangamo  Journal,  mouthpiece 
of  the  Springfield  "Junto,"  did  not  consider  Harrison  to  be  a  candidate 
as  late  as  May,  1836.  "The  attempt  to  cover  up  the  political  deformities 
of  Van  Buren  with  the  cloak  of  General  Jackson,  is  done  with  the  sole 
and  only  purpose  of  taking  advantage  of  the  feelings  of  the  old  friends 
of  General  Jackson,  who  do  not  discover  the  trick  played  off  on  them. 
The  contest  is  between  Martin  Van  Buren,  the  northern  candidate — and 
Hugh  L.  White,  the  Western  candidate."  Issue  of  May  i,  1836.  Whigs 
looked  with  favor  upon  the  split  in  the  ranks  of  the  Democratic  party 
over  Van  Buren.  It  was  expected  that  each  faction  would  bid  for  the 


54  THE   ILLINOIS   WHIGS  [54 

the  northwestern  counties,  which  on  the  whole  were  Whig  strong- 
holds. These  murmurs  were  for  a  time  stilled  by  taking  the 
name  of  Bowling  Green  from  the  White  electoral  ticket,  sub- 
stituting in  its  place  that  of  A.  G.  S.  Wight  of  Jo  Daviess 
County.30  Despite  the  good  understanding  among  the  various 
anti-Van  Buren  elements,  there  finally  grew  up  a  considerable 
Harrison  sentiment  among  the  Whigs  that  either  refused  to  con- 
sider White  as  other  than  a  Democrat,  or  failed  to  understand 
the  significance  of  some  sort  of  an  agreement  between  their 
leaders  on  the  one  hand  and  those  of  the  anti-Van  Buren  Demo- 
crats on  the  other.  The  culmination  of  this  agitation  for  Harri- 
son's  candidacy  was  a  Whig  meeting  held  at  Edwardsville  in 
September,  1836.  Not  wishing  "to  distract  the  opposition  to 
Van  Buren"  the  meeting  nominated  "to  the  people  of  Illinois, 
the  gentlemen  named  as  electors  of  Judge  White,  relying  upon 
them  in  the  event  of  General  Harrison  receiving  more  votes  in 
other  states  than  Judge  White,  they  will  give  the  vote  of  this 
State  to  Harrison. '  '31  At  least  three  of  the  White  electors — Bond, 
White  and  Wight — agreed  to  this  proposition,  and  thereafter 
the  White  electoral  ticket  became  generally  known  as  the  ' '  Union 
anti-Van  Buren  Electoral  Ticket."32  Governor  Duncan's  paper, 
the  Jacksonville  Patriot,  suggested  that  each  voter  for  the  union 

Whig  vote.  There  seems  to  have  been  no  widespread  feeling  in  the 
ranks  of  the  leaders  that  it  would  be  advisable  to  support  an  out  and  out 
Whig  candidate.  See  N.  Pope  to  H.  Eddy,  February  16,  1835.  (Eddy 
MSS.) 

30Sangamo  Journal,  April  9,  16,  1836;  Alton  Telegraph,  April  13,  20, 
1836. 

31  Alton  Telegraph,  September  7,  1836;  State  Register,  September  2, 
15,  1836.  During  the  months  of  September  and  October,  1836,  numerous 
Harrison  meetings  were  held  throughout  the  state  and  the  White  Electo- 
ral Ticket  (now  called  Union  Ticket)  was  endorsed.  See  Alton  Tele- 
graph, October  12,  1836,  passim.  In  the  western  part  of  the  state  south 
of  the  mouth  of  the  Illinois  River  there  was  a  strong  Harrison  sentiment 
in  July  and  August.  See  Ibid.,  August  24,  1836,  passim. 

32Sangamo  Journal,  October  I,  15,  1836;  State  Register,  October  7, 
1836.  There  was  little  uniformity  in  ticket  headings.  The  following 
forms  appear  in  a  single  issue  of  one  Whig  paper:  "Union  Electoral 
Ticket,"  "White  and  Harrison  Electoral  Ticket,"  "Union  anti-Van  Buren 
Electoral  Ticket." — Sanganw  Journal,  October  29,  1836. 

A  similar  union  between  White  and  Harrison  was  effected  in  other 
states.  See  State  Register,  September  15,  1836;  Alton  Telegraph,  Sep- 
tember 14,  1836. 


55]  THE  EMERGENCE  OF  THE  WHIG  PARTY  55 

ticket  should  designate  his  choice  between  Harrison  and  White, 
and  that  the  union  electors,  if  elected,  should  cast  their  votes  for 
the  candidate  having  the  greater  number  of  votes  in  the  state.33 

The  various  suggestions  by  the  newspapers  and  conventions 
as  to  methods  of  voting,  and  the  absence  of  detailed  election 
laws,  combined  to  create  confusion  among  voters,  among  election 
officials,  and  among  the  leaders  of  the  anti-Van  Buren  party,  so 
much  so  that  the  exact  vote  for  Harrison,  or  White,  in  Illinois 
can  never  be  known.  There  was  no  uniformity  in  voting  for 
presidential  electors.  In  some  precincts  voters  declared  for  presi- 
dent and  vice  president  without  the  intermediary  of  the  electoral 
ticket;  not  infrequently  a  voter  chose  a  presidential  candidate 
from  one  ticket  and  a  vice-presidential  candidate  from  another, — 
an  impossibility  under  the  present  law.  As  many  as  four  ways 
of  voting  may  be  found  in  a  single  county,  but  if  such  lack  of 
uniformity  caused  any  comment  or  astonishment,  it  seems  not  to 
have  been  recorded.3*  Generally  speaking  there  were  three  presi- 
dential tickets  in  the  field :  Van  Buren  and  Johnson ;  Harrison 
and  Tyler ;  White  and  Tyler.  The  last  two  tickets  had  the  same 
set  of  electors.  Despite  the  lateness  of  beginning  the  Harrison 
candidacy  in  Illinois,  he  was  considered  the  principal  candidate 
of  the  anti-Van  Buren  forces  on  the  eve  of  the  election,  and  was 
supported  accordingly. 

From  newspaper  comment,  one  is  led  to  believe  that  the 
insistence  of  the  Whigs  on  an  open  declaration  for  Harrison 
favored  the  Van  Buren  party.  That  Harrison  was  stronger  than 
White  outside  the  state,  seems  to  have  been  the  general  idea  in 

33State  Register,  September  15,  1836. 
34E.  g.,  Macoupin  County. 

(1)  Woodriver    precinct:      Van    Buren-Johnson ;    Harrison- 

Tyler. 

(2)  Fork  precinct :     Van  Buren  electors ;  John  Henry. 

(3)  Otter   Creek  precinct:     Wm.   H.   Harrison-John  Tyler; 

H.   L.  White- John  Tyler   (same  electors)  ;   M.  Van 
Buren-R.  M.  Johnson. 

(4)  Carlinville  precinct:     Two  sets  of  electors,  with  nothing 

to  indicate  for  whom  they  stood. 

MSS.  Election  Returns,  Carlinville  (Court  House).  There  was  a 
similar  confusion  in  almost  all  the  counties.  See  MSS.  Election  Returns, 
in  Sangamon,  Fayette,  Edwards,  and  Menard  counties.  There  was  even 
more  confusion  in  Coles  than  in  Macoupin  County.  See  MSS.  Election 
Returns  for  that  county. 


56  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [56 

Illinois,  and  on  account  of  this  feeling  many  original  White  men 
supported  Van  Buren  rather  than  risk  electing  Harrison  by 
voting  the  union  ticket.  On  the  part  of  the  Whigs  and  their 
allies  the  battle  cry  was,  anything  to  beat  Van  Buren,  and  had 
the  Whigs  been  willing  to  give  their  united  support  to  White,  it 
is  not  at  all  improbable  that  Illinois  would  have  declared  against 
Van  Buren  in  1836.35 

Among  the  Whigs  there  was  as  yet  little  hero  worship ;  the 
enthusiasm  displayed  in  the  campaign  of  1840  was  lacking  in  the 
Harrison- White-Van  Buren  contest  of  1836.  Instead  of  carrying 
on  a  brilliant  offensive  contest  in  which  the  opposition  could  be 
carried  off  its  feet  by  the  force  of  enthusiasm,  the  Whigs  took 
the  defensive,  trusting  for  success  to  the  lack  of  harmony  among 
the  Democrats.  But  despite  the  schism  in  the  Democratic  ranks 
the  Whigs  suffered  general  defeat  in  Illinois.  The  White-Harri- 
son electoral  ticket  was  beaten  by  a  small  majority.  The  Demo- 
crats had  elected  their  Congressional  candidates  and  a  majority 
of  each  branch  of  the  General  Assembly.38  For  the  Whigs,  the 
one  encouraging  feature  of  the  campaign  and  election  was  the 
generally  good  understanding  among  them  about  the  selection  of 
candidates  for  office.  Hitherto  the  absence  of  any  central 
authority,  such  as  conventions,  central  committees,  and  corre- 
spondence committees,  had  resulted  in  a  dissipation  of  party 
strength;  but  in  the  face  of  a  situation  in  which  division  meant 
defeat,  personal  animosities  and  individual  ambitions  were  very 
generally  sacrificed  for  the  good  of  the  party.  This  tendency 
toward  concentration  of  strength  was  real  and  encouraging,  but 
it  was  being  constantly  opposed  by  a  Whig  characteristic  ,that 
had  a  habit  of  cropping  out  inopportunely,  namely,  opposition  to 
central  authority.  Such  a  characteristic,  as  we  shall  see  later, 
was  detrimental  to  the  success  of  the  party,  and  was  strenuously 
opposed  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  favored  a  convention  system  of 
some  sort.  The  Whigs  very  generally  professed  to  believe  that 

85For  charges  made  against  Van  Buren  in  this  campaign  as  well  as 
that  of  1840,  see  post,  oooo. 

36Political  personnel  of  the  Tenth  General  Assembly :  First  Session : 
Senate — 18  Whigs,  20  Democrats,  2  anti-Van  Buren  Democrats ;  House — 
26  Whigs,  63  Democrats,  2  (Graham  and  Joseph  Green)  unknown.  Second 
Session:  Senate — 17  Whigs,  20  Democrats,  3  anti-Van  Buren  Democrats; 
House — 30  Whigs,  60  Democrats,  I  (Green)  unknown. 

Note — Gatewood  changed  from  Whig  to  Democrat  between  sessions. 
See  Appendix. 


57]  THE  EMERGENCE  OF  THE  WHIG  PARTY  57 

the  convention  was  a  Democratic  device  by  means  of  which  the 
leaders  of  that  party  were  able  to  dictate  to  candidates  and 
voters  alike.  Although  they  were  divided  upon  the  convention 
question,  opposition  to  it  became  weaker  as  time  went  on  until 
by  1842  it  was  a  settled  fact  that  the  Whigs  were  wedded  to  the 
system  in  all  its  ramnifications.37 

The  Tenth  General  Assembly,  which  convened  December  5, 
1836,  has  since  become  famous  for  the  political  prominence  which 
many  of  its  members  attained.  Among  the  Whigs  the  best  known 
figure  was  Abraham  Lincoln.  Less  well  known  were  Edwin  B. 
Webb,  Whig  candidate  for  governor  in  1852,  Orville  H.  Brown- 
ing, first  Republican  Senator  from  Illinois,  Cyrus  Edwards, 
brother  of  Governor  Ninian  Edwards  and  Whig  candidate  for 
governor  in  1838,  Eichard  N.  Cullom,  father  of  Senator  Shelby 
M.  Cullom,  and  Ninian  W.  Edwards,  son  of  Governor  Ninian 
Edwards,  afterwards  appointed  state  superintendent  of  public 
instruction  by  a  Democratic  governor.  Opposed  politically  to 
this  group  were,  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  Augustus  C.  French, 
Democratic  governor  from  1846  to  1853,  James  Shields,  who 
afterwards  represented  three  different  states  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  John  A.  McClernand,  noted  Civil  War  general,  John 
Dougherty,  supporter  of  Lincoln  in  1858  and  Republican  lieu- 
tenant-governor from  1869  to  1873,  and  Usher  F.  Linder,  who 
became  a  Whig  in  1840,  but  subsequently  returned  to  the  Demo- 
cratic ranks  and  canvassed  the  state  for  Douglas  in  1858. 

Despite  the  presence  of  so  many  actual  and  prospective 
politicians  in  the  General  Assembly,  the  political  significance  of 
the  first  session  is  slight  as  compared  with  the  session  of  1834-5. 
Local  matters  distracted  the  attention  of  the  lawmakers  from 
national  politics.  Besides  the  internal  improvement  bill,  which 
was  passed  as  a  sectional  rather  than  a  political  measure,  the 
question  of  the  location  of  the  state  capital  engrossed  the  atten- 
tion of  both  houses  during  a  great  part  of  the  first  session,  and  a 
close  study  of  the  various  votes  leaves  the  feeling  that  many  of 
the  most  able  members  concerned  themselves  more  in  getting 
advantages  for  their  local  constituencies  than  in  attempting 
either  to  legislate  for  the  good  of  the  state  or  to  go  on  record 

3TFor  an  account  of  the  attitude  of  the  Illinois  Whigs  toward  the 
nominating  convention  system,  see  Thompson,  Attitude  of  the  Western 
Whigs  toward  the  Convention  System  (Proceedings  of  the  Mississippi 
Valley  Historical  Association,  V.,  167  ff.). 


58  THE    ILLINOIS   WHIGS  [58 

concerning  national  issues.  In  the  house,  however,  a  resolution 
endorsing  Jackson's  administration  was  passed  by  a  large  ma- 
jority, many  of  the  Whigs  voting  for  it.  Early  in  the  session  a 
Whig  had  been  elected  speaker  of  the  senate,  through  a  coalition 
of  Whigs  and  anti-Van  Buren  Democrats ;  and  the  dissatisfaction 
among  the  Democrats  in  the  senate  may  account  for  the  non- 
political  activities  of  the  same  party  in  the  house. 

There  was  a  short  extra  session  of  the  General  Assembly  in 
July,  1837,  called  by  the  governor  to  consider  the  difficulties 
that  the  state  was  having  to  meet  its  financial  obligations.  The 
panic  of  that  year  gave  Governor  Duncan  an  opportunity  to 
express  his  opinion  of  the  financial  policy  of  the  national  adminis- 
tration, which  he  did  in  no  uncertain  terms.  "At  the  time  the 
President  of  the  United  States  assumed  the  responsibility  of 
ordering  the  public  money  to  be  removed  from  their  legal  de- 
posit in  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  for  the  purpose,  as  he 
avowed,  of  preventing  the  re-charter  of  that  institution  by  Con- 
gress, there  never  was  a  sounder  currency,  or  a  more  healthy 
state  of  things  in  any  government  in  the  world. ' '  After  showing 
the  inadvisability  of  establishing  the  state  banks,  the  governor 
went  on  to  say,  ' '  Before  the  public  were  aware  of  the  ruin  which 
this  wild  scheme  portended,  the  Executive  and  a  portion  of  his 
party  seeing  their  error  it  would  seem,  endeavored  to  escape  the 
consequence  by  amusing  the  people  with  the  absurd  and  imprac- 
tical project  of  an  exclusive  hard  money  currency..  .  .  . 
There  must  be  change,  there  must  be  reform.  The  Public 
Treasury  must  be  again  firmly  placed  in  the  custody  of  law ;  and 
all  power  and  control  must  be  repudiated.  .  .  The  patronage 
of  the  Executive  must  be  reduced,  and  his  power  to  remove 
public  officers  so  modified  as  to  prevent  his  displacing  a  faithful 
and  competent  man,  either  to  gratify  party  malice,  or  to  intimi- 
date him  in  the  free  and  independent  exercise  of  the  election 
franchise.  .  .  That  control  over  the  public  press,  and  Con- 
gress which  has  been  so  powerfully  exercised  by  the  appoint- 
ment of  newspaper  editors,  and  members  of  the  Senate  and  House 
of  Representatives  to  high  and  lucrative  offices  by  the  executive, 
should  as  far  as  possible  be  obviated."  This  utterance  reflected 
the  attitude  of  the  Whigs  in  general  and  the  late  anti-Van  Buren 
Democrats  in  particular.  They  had  no  quarrel  with  Jackson, 
but  they  refused  to  support  Van  Buren  or  to  approve  the 
acts  of  the  president,  which  they  considered  to  have  been  inspired 
by  unscrupulous  advisers.  The  Democrats  on  their  side  took  the 


59]  THE  EMERGENCE  OF  THE  WHIG  PARTY  59 

opposite  view.  They  endorsed  in  toto  the  policies  of  both  Jackson 
and  Van  Buren,  and  the  endorsement  of  the  latter  made  a  cleav- 
age that  unmistakably  divided  the  Whigs  from  the  Democrats. 

The  state  campaign  of  1838  differed  from  the  campaign  of 
1836  in  that  the  opposition  to  Van  Buren  was  less  evident.  The 
Whigs  and  their  allies  had  accepted  Van  Burenism  as  a  calamity, 
but  they  preferred  to  work  along  other  lines  than  those  of  general 
opposition.  As  yet,  however,  they  hesitated  to  use  the  term 
"Whig"  so  as  to  include  all  elements  opposed  to  Van  Buren,  and 
contented  themselves  with  calling  the  former  White  Democrats, 
Conservatives.38  In  order  to  bring  the  supporters  of  the  national 
administration  into  disrepute,  the  Whig  newspapers  stigmatized 
the  general  Democratic  ticket  as  ' '  Office  Holders  Ticket, ' '  giving 
the  name  "Peoples  Ticket"  to  their  own.39  Political  lines  were 
more  closely  drawn  and  more  easily  recognized  in  1838,  than  they 
had  been  at  any  time  before;  but  even  at  that  time  the  sharp 
demarcation  that  appeared  in  1840,  could  not  yet  be  seen.  The 
Democrats  thought  to  make  a  master  stroke  by  nominating  for 
governor  a  candidate  from  the  extreme  northern  part  of  the  state. 
Accordingly  Benjamin  Stephenson  of  Jo  Daviess  County  was 
named  as  Democratic  standard  bearer.40  Stephenson  was 
charged  with  being  a  defaulter  to  the  national  government,  and 
as  a  consequence  was  forced  to  withdraw  from  the  race.  A 
hastily  reassembled  convention  named  in  his  place  Thomas  Carlin 
of  Greene  County.  The  Whigs  chose  Cyrus  Edwards  of  Madison 
County  as  their  candidate.  Edwards  was  a  brother  of  Governor 
Edwards,  and  one  of  the  most  prominent  men  of  the  state.  Gen- 
erally speaking  the  issue  of  the  campaign  was  internal  improve- 

3*Vandalia  Free  Press  and  Illinois  Intelligencer,  July  27,  28,  1838. 

S9Ibid.  The  term  used  in  parts  of  central  Illinois  to  designate  the 
alliance  was  "Anti-sub  Treasury  Ticket."  See  Sangamo  Journal,  1838, 
passim.  In  some  localities  there  were  local  issues  of  considerable  import- 
ance, e.g.,  the  division  of  counties,  location  of  county  seats.  What  will 
appear  later  to  be  of  significance  was  an  "anti-Junto"  Whig  ticket  in 
Sangamon  County.  See  Illinois  Republican,  July  25,  1838. 

40For  many  years  the  demand  for  northern  representation  in  public 
office  had  been  growing  in  both  parties.  As  early  as  1834  an  effort  had 
been  made  to  allow  northern  Illinois  one  of  the  United  States  Senators. 
Until  Ford  was  nominated  for  governor  in  1842,  all  the  candidates  for 
that  office  had  come  from  the  southern  counties.  See  Sangamo  Journal, 
November  23,  1834. 


60  THE   ILLINOIS   WHIGS  [60 

ments.41  As  we  have  noticed  already,  the  Whigs  in  1837  had 
favored  abandoning  the  system.  Edwards  did  not  oppose  in- 
ternal improvements,  but  advocated  the  building  of  railroads 
with  private  capital.42  Edwards  had  the  support  of  the  Whigs 
and  Conservatives,  but  because  of  his  activities  in  the  Love  joy 
riots  he  was  very  generally  opposed  by  those  who  had  any  lean- 
ing whatever  toward  abolitionism.43  The  election  resulted  in  a 
Democratic  victory.  Not  only  did  that  party  elect  its  governor 
and  lieutenant-governor,  but  also  two  of  the  three  members  of 
Congress  and  a  majority  of  the  members  of  the  General 
Assembly.44 

The  state  administration  changed  on  the  first  Monday  of 
December  when  Duncan  surrendered  his  place  to  Carlin,  who 
was  in  no  respects  the  equal  of  his  predecessor.  The  General 
Assembly  soon  busied  itself  with  national  affairs.  Owing  to  the 
political  shrewdness  of  Lincoln,  Fithian,  Edwards,  Baker,  and 
Du  Bois,  both  houses  adopted  resolutions  condemning  an  inde- 
pendent treasury  and  a  metallic  currency.  From  this  time  on 
the  Whigs  may  be  considered  as  a  distinct  party  with  a  purpose 

41For  contrary  view,  see  T.  C.  Browne  to  H.  Eddy,  February  10, 
1838  (Eddy  MSS.).  There  were,  however,  certain  fundamental  principles 
of  a  radical  nature  claimed  by  the  more  zealous  Whigs.  "WHIG  POLICY  : 
To  provide  a  sound  circulation  medium  for  the  people,  and  in  quantity, 
adequate  to  the  want  of  the  country.  To  equalize  the  exchange  of  the 
country,  so  that  a  dollar  in  Illinois  will  be  equal  to  a  dollar  in  New  York 
or  wtfw-any-place-else.  To  practice  economy  in  the  administration  of  the 
Government.  To  foster  enterprise  and  industry  in  all  classes  of  com- 
munity— and  regard  merits  wherever  found — and  thus  to  arrest  THE 
DESOLATING  EFFECTS  OF  A  POLICY  WHICH  IS  PASSING 
WITH  A  HURRICANE  VIOLENCE  OVER  THE  LAND.  The  Whigs 
would  have  the  farmer  obtain  $10  a  barrel  for  his  Flour,  and  that  in 
money,  which  would  be  received  by  the  Government  for  lands  and  other 
dues — $20  a  'head'  for  his  cows  and  for  asses  heads  just  what  they  are 
worth."  Vandalia  Free  Press  and  Illinois  Intelligencer,  July  27,  28,  1838. 
See  also  Sangamo  Journal,  March  23,  September  27,  1839. 

42Gillespie,  Remembrances,  23. 

43Emancipator,  February  15,  1838. 

"Political  personnel  of  Eleventh  General  Assembly :  First  Session : 
Senate — 20  Whigs,  19  Democrats,  i  anti-sub  Treasury  Democrat;  House — 
41  Whigs,  2  sub-Treasury  Whigs,  45  Democrats,  3  anti-sub  Treasury 
Democrats.  Second  Session :  Senate — No  change  from  First  Session ; 
House — 42  Whigs,  2  sub-Treasury  Whigs,  45  Democrats,  2  anti-sub 
Treasury  Democrats. 


61]  THE  EMERGENCE  OF  THE  WHIG  PARTY  61 

more  consistent  than  those  held  by  any  of  the  factions  and  parties 
of  which  it  was  composed.  The  most  revolutionary  measure 
brought  up  in  either  house  was  that  introduced  by  Mr.  Ficklin, 
in  which  the  Virginia  and  Kentucky  Resolutions  were  endorsed, 
and  the  dry  bones  of  Federalism  rattled  once  more.  This  resolu- 
tion, however,  was  laid  on  the  table,  and  seems  never  to  have 
been  taken  up.  All  this  activity  was  but  preliminary  to  the 
presidential  campaign  of  1840,  which  really  began  in  1839,  when 
the  Whigs,  assembled  in  convention,  gave  an  exhibition  of  en- 
thusiasm and  solidarity  never  before  seen  in  that  party,  and 
which  carried  them  to  victory  in  the  national  elections. 

Politics  in  Illinois  during  the  period  of  the  emergence  of 
the  Whig  party,  1834-1840,  was  characterized,  as  has  been  shown, 
by  considerable  political  confusion,  due  in  part  to  the  efforts  of 
the  state  to  establish  adequate  banking  facilities,  and  to  build  a 
comprehensive  system  of  internal  improvements;  in  part  to  the 
absence  of  definite  policies  on  which  the  Whigs  could  unite;  in 
part  to  dissensions  among  the  Democrats;  and  in  part  to  the 
impossibility  of  determining  exactly  the  party  affiliation  of 
political  leaders.  The  instability  of  party  lines  and  the  lack  of 
definite  knowledge  about  political  alignments  are  illustrated  by 
the  character  of  Duncan's  support  for  governor  in  1834.  Men 
of  all  shades  of  political  belief  voted  for  him,  evidently  believing 
that  he  represented  their  views  regarding  national  issues.  Two 
years  later  the  same  indecision,  while  not  so  pronounced,  was 
evident.  Then,  Whigs  that  boasted  of  their  party  orthodoxy, 
united  in  supporting  White  against  Van  Buren  for  the  presi- 
dency, until  Harrison  became  an  active  candidate.  Apparently 
their  platform  was  based  on  personal, — anything  to  defeat  Van 
Buren, — and  not  on  political  grounds.  Naturally  party  measures 
crystallized,  and  in  the  first  Whig  state  convention  in  1839,  the 
Whigs  found  common  political  ground  upon  which  they  could 
oppose  the  Democrats. 


CHAPTER  III. 

HARRISON  AND  TYLER. 
1839-1841. 

The  campaign  of  1840  was  carried  on  by  the  Illinois  Whigs 
with  a  great  show  of  enthusiasm.  Even  before  a  Whig  standard 
bearer  had  been  selected,  the  members  of  that  party  had  pledged 
their  support  in  convention  assembled  to  the  future  nominee. 
Van  Buren  was  never  popular  in  Illinois,  and  on  that  account 
the  pre-eonvention  campaign  of  the  Whigs  was  marked  by  their 
attacks  upon  the  president.  Whoever  the  candidate  of  their 
party  might  be,  they  realized  the  importance  of  weakening  Van 
Buren 's  cause  in  the  state  and  deliberately  set  about  to  do  it. 
Harrison's  nomination  by  the  Harrisburg  Convention  was  the 
signal  for  outbursts  of  great  enthusiasm  by  the  Whigs.  His 
military  reputation  was  a  valuable  stock  in  trade  in  a  campaign 
against  Van  Buren.  Thus  there  were  combined  on  the  part  of 
the  Whigs  great  enthusiasm  for  their  own  candidate  and  a  dog- 
ged determination  to  defeat  his  opponent ;  and  this  combination, 
which  was  to  a  degree  accidental,  brought  about  a  flood  of  en- 
thusiasm that  swept  cold  deliberations  aside  and  served  to 
characterize  the  campaign  of  1840.  Both  candidates  were 
abused  and  charged  with  being  connected  with  every  unpopular 
movement  of  the  day;  and  before  election  day  the  campaign 
resolved  itself  into  a  "mud  slinging"  contest.  Although  the 
Democrats  carried  Illinois,  Van  Buren 's  defeat  made  them  sour 
and  vindictive.  Hitherto  they  had  often  divided  over  non- 
essentials  in  the  General  Assembly,  with  the  result  that  the 
Whigs  had  been  able  to  carry  out  their  own  policies.  The  de- 
feat of  1840  brought  them  to  their  senses.  Under  the  stress  of 
preserving  their  party  integrity,  minor  differences  were  for  the 
time  forgotten,  and  a  united  front  shown  to  the  enemy.  Be- 
cause of  this  changed  attitude  of  the  Democratic  party,  the 
activities  of  the  1840-1  session  of  the  General  Assembly  differed 
materially  from  those  of  former  sessions. 

62 


63]  HARRISON  AND  TYLER  63 

As  early  as  January,  1839,  opponents  of  the  national  ad- 
ministration held  local  conventions  and  mass  meetings.  On  the 
26th  of  that  month  the  ''Whig  Young  Men"  of  Springfield  and 
Sangamon  County  met  at  the  court  house  "for  the  purpose  of 
organizing  and  future  operation."  These  young  men  struck  the 
key  note  of  the  approaching  presidential  campaign  when  in  a 
preamble  to  a  set  of  resolutions  they  said,  "Whereas,  the  pres- 
ent alarming  and  dangerous  situation  of  our  national  affairs, 
arising  from  the  daring  contempt  of  law  and  order  that  has 
been  manifested  in  various  parts  of  our  Union, — from  the  un- 
exampled corruption  of  unprincipled  men  holding  high  and 
responsible  offices,  embezzling  the  public  money,  producing 
enormous  defalcations,  and  wresting  hard  earned  savings  from 
the  hands  of  the  people  to  gratify  their  own  cupidity, — from 
the  rottenness  which  seems  to  have  tainted  the  whole  system  of 
the  present  administration,  and  from  the  reiterated  attempts 
of  the  Executive  to  palm  upon  the  nation  a  scheme  which  ought 
to  be  reprobated  by  every  honest  man,  and  every  disinterested 
patriot;  call  loudly  upon  every  individual  who  possesses  any 
regard  for  the  welfare  of  his  country,  to  use  the  most  strenuous 
exertions  to  promote  its  interest  and  maintain  its  honor."1  In 
order  to  create  enthusiasm  it  was  decided  to  hold  similar  meet- 
ings throughout  the  county.  Nor  was  organization  to  stop  at 
the  county  lines.  A  correspondence  committee  and  a  committee 
on  address  were  appointed,  the  one  to  correspond  with  young 
Whigs  all  over  the  state  with  the  ultimate  object  of  holding  a 
convention,  the  other  to  set  forth  the  cardinal  principles  for 
which  the  young  Whigs  of  Sangamon  County  stood.2 

About  a  month  later  the  Whig  members  of  the  General 
Assembly  met  to  discuss  ways  and  means  of  organizing  the 
party  forces  and  carrying  on  the  approaching  presidential 
campaign.  Henry  I.  Mills  of  Edwards  County  presided.  Mr. 
Lincoln  explained  the  object  of  the  meeting,  after  which  0.  H. 
Browning  of  Adams  County  offered  a  set  of  resolutions  that 
condemned  the  Democratic  party  in  general  and  President  Van 
Buren  in  particular.  Lincoln  offered  a  resolution  providing 
for  a  committee  to  prepare  an  address  "setting  forth  the  causes 
of  our  opposition  to  the  present  administration,  and  recommend- 

aFor  complete  report  of  this  meeting  see  Sangamo  Journal,  February 
2,  1839. 

2For  address  see  Sangamo  Journal,  February  9,  1839. 


64  THE   ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [64 

ing  all  the  opponents  of  the  Misrule  of  the  Government  to 
unite  upon  the  platform  of  union  and  compromise."  The 
most  significant  utterances  were  those  in  which  the  "Great 
Whig  and  Conservative  parties"  were  called  upon  to  oust  Van 
Buren  from  the  presidency,  and  that  of  Lincoln  when  he  re- 
ferred to  "union  and  compromise."  Apparently  these  utter- 
ances were  a  direct  bid  for  the  support  of  the  dissatisfied  ele- 
ments in  the  Democratic  ranks.  Whatever  the  object  in  view, 
such  an  invitation  gave  the  opportunity  to  these  elements  to 
join  with  the  Whigs  without  becoming  an  integral  part  of  the 
party.  As  might  be  expected  under  the  circumstances,  the  best 
known  leaders  of  the  party  took  part  in  the  deliberations  of 
this  meeting.  Among  these  were  Lincoln,  Hardin,  Davidson, 
Gen.  James  B.  Moore,  Thornton,  A.  Williams,  Servant,  Archer, 
and  Churchill.3 

It  was  the  opinion  of  this  meeting  that  no  convention  for 
nominating  delegates  to  the  National  Whig  Convention  was 
necessary.  By  the  middle  of  the  summer,  however,  the  Chicago 
American  proposed  that  there  be  held  at  Springfield  on  Sep- 
tember 2,  a  convention  made  up  of  delegates,  one  delegate  to  be 
selected  in  each  county  in  convention  assembled.  This  proposal 
was  endorsed  by  the  Whig  press  with  the  modification  that  the 
number  of  delegates  be  increased  and  all  Whigs  be  invited  to 
attend  the  convention.  This  modified  proposal  was  popular, 
and  in  a  great  many  counties  conventions  are  known  to  have 
been  held,4  and  in  them  enthusiasm  ran  high.  Less  reserved 
than  their  senators  and  representatives  had  been  in  their  meet- 
ing at  the  state  capital,  the  people  very  generally  demanded 
that  Clay  be  the  party  nominee,  but  promised  their  support  to 
any  candidate  that  might  be  named.  Denunciation  of  the  na- 
tional administration  in  the  most  bitter  terms  was  in  order  at 
these  meetings.  At  Belleville  it  was  resolved,  "That  it  is  our 
deliberate  opinion,  that  the  policy  of  the  present  administration 
is  calculated  to  corrupt  the  morals  of  the  people;  and  sooner  or 
later  to  destroy  the  liberties  of  our  country,  and  that  the  sal- 

3For  full  account  of  meeting  see  Sangamo  Journal,  March  16,  1839. 

4The  Whigs  are  known  to  have  held  conventions  in  the  following 
counties :  Logan,  St.  Clair,  Menard,  Sangamon,  Hancock,  Adams,  Bureau, 
Peoria,  Clinton  and  Tazewell.  No  doubt  there  were  many  more.  For 
proceedings  of  county  meetings  see  Sangamo  Journal,  March  3,  August  9, 
September  20,  October  4,  1839. 


65]  HARRISON  AND  TYLER  65 

vation  of  all  we  hold  dear  on  earth  depends  upon  the  union 
of  the  Whigs  at  the  next  presidential  election. '  '5 

The  movement  for  a  convention,  which  was  begun  by  the 
press,  culminated  in  the  holding  of  a  Whig  State  Convention 
at  Springfield,  Illinois,  October  7-9,  1839.6  At  the  beginning 
of  the  first  session,  delegates  from  twenty-two  counties  were 
present.  Later,  others  appeared  and  took  their  seats  until  at 
least  half  of  the  counties  in  the  state  were  represented.  Fol- 
lowing the  recommendation  of  a  nominating  committee,  William 
Moore  of  St.  Clair  County  was  made  permanent  chairman  of 
the  convention,  while  Joshua  Beal  of  Wabash  and  Robert  A. 
Glenn  of  Schuyler  were  chosen  secretaries.  Because  the  Na- 
tional Whig  Convention  had  not  yet  met,  and  because  they 
feared  to  commit  themselves  in  advance  of  the  choice  of  that 
body,  nothing  more  in  the  way  of  suggesting  presidential  can- 
didates was  done  than  to  express  entire  confidence  in  both 
"Harries  of  the  West," — William  Henry  Harrison  and  Henry 
Clay, — and  pledge  the  Whig  vote  of  Illinois  to  the  candidate  to 
be  named. 

In  sharp  contrast  to  the  actions  of  the  national  body,  which 
met  two  months  later,  the  state  convention  adopted  a  clean  cut 
platform  that  expressed  unequivocal  opinions  on  both  national 
and  state  issues.  Van  Buren's  administration  was  bitterly 
denounced,  and  the  adoption  of  the  sub-treasury  system  was 
called  a  "daring  and  dangerous  attempt  to  concentrate  all 
power  in  the  executive — to  unite  in  his  hand  the  purse  and  the 
sword — to  create  two  species  of  currency,  gold  and  silver  for 
pampered  office  holders  and  rags  for  the  people,  the  laborers, 
and  producers  of  the  country:  and  that  it  will  fasten  a  swarm 
of  sub-treasurers  as  leaches  on  the  public  monies,  whose  security 
to  the  government  after  they  are  glutted,  will  be  like  that  of 
Price  and  Swartwout — leg  bail  in  a  foreign  land."  The  presi- 
dent himself  was  denounced  as  an  ' '  artful  politician  and  a  selfish 
experimenter  on  the  resources,  credit  and  prosperity  of  the 
people. ' ' 

Concerning  state  issues  the  convention  was  no  less  em- 
phatic in  its  denunciation  of  Democratic  measures  and  policies. 

5Sanganw  Journal,  August  9,  1839. 

°Sangamo  Journal,  October  n,  1839.  In  the  preamble  to  a  set  of  reso- 
lutions offered  by  John  T.  Stuart  the  statement  was  made  that  this  was 
the  "first  State  Convention  of  the  Whig  party  in  Illinois." 


66  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [66 

Carlin's  administration  was  declared  to  be  a  failure  and  un- 
worthy the  support  of  the  people,  because  of  the  "vacillation 
of  purpose"  of  the  governor.  The  state's  banking  system  re- 
ceived special  attention  at  the  hands  of  the  convention,  which 
declared  it  a  complete  failure.  This  system  had  been  originally 
supported  by  Democrats  and  Whigs  alike,  but  now  the  latter 
party  "disclaimed  its  paternity,"  citing  the  fact  that  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly  which  had  authorized  the  existence  of  the  banks 
was  Democratic.  Thus  in  convention  assembled  the  Whigs  re- 
pudiated state  banking  as  it  then  existed,  and  denied  all  respon- 
sibility for  its  establishment. 

In  addition  to  denouncing  the  Democratic  administrations, 
both  national  and  state,  the  delegates  re-affirmed  the  Whig 
doctrines  as  laid  down  by  Clay  and  Webster,  and  pledged  the 
party  in  Illinois  to  support  the  nominee  of  the  approaching 
National  Whig  Convention.  They  chose  delegates  and  substi- 
tutes to  that  convention,7  and  five  electoral  candidates,  all  of 
whom  were  well  known  for  their  orthodox  whiggery  and  cam- 
paigning ability.  They  instructed  the  electoral  candidates  to 
' '  address  in  person  the  people  in  different  portions  of  the  state  on 
the  subjects  to  be  involved  in  that  great  contest."8 

An  examination  of  the  personnel  of  the  first  Whig  State 
Convention  reveals  the  fact  that  its  members  were  drawn  from 
every  element  opposed  to  Van  Buren  and  his  administration; 
and  the  charge  made  by  the  Democratic  press  that  the  Whig 
party  was  made  up  of  Clay  men,  bank  men,  anti-Masons,  Abol- 
itionists, old  Federalists,  and  Federal- Whigs,  seems  to  be  not 
far  wrong.9  At  times  these  divergent  elements  had  little  in 

7The  delegates  to  the  Harrisburg  Convention  were:  *George  W. 
Ralph,  St.  Clair;  *Ezra  Baker,  Wabash;  *William  B.  Warren,  Morgan; 
William  A.  Minshall,  Schuyler;  *Walter  L.  Newberry,  Cook. 

Substitutes  (corresponding  in  order  named  to  delegates)  were: 
Junius  Hall,  Madison;  Q.  C.  Alexander,  Fayette;  Richard  F.  Barrett, 
Sangamon;  *Edward  A.  Whipple,  Tazewell;  Daniel  G.  Garnsey,  Rock 
Island. 

Those  marked  with  *  attended  the  convention.  See  Sangamo  Journal, 
December  24,  1839. 

8See  State  Register,  June  12,  1840;  Sangamo  Journal,  December  20, 

1839- 

9State  Register,  January  i,  1840;  Illinois  Republican  (Rushville) 
January  2,  1840;  Harrisburg  (Pa.)  Reporter,  December  6,  1839. 


67]  HARRISON  AND  TYLER  67 

common,  but  with  Van  Burenism  as  the  issue,  as  it  was  in  1840, 
they  could  and  did  unite  temporarily  against  the  common  foe.10 

That  the  Whig  leaders  dared  meet  their  opponents  in  the 
open,  and  there  discuss  the  issues  of  the  day,  is  evidenced  by 
the  tone  of  a  set  of  resolutions  offered  by  Lincoln  for  the  con- 
sideration of  a  meeting  of  the  Whig  members  of  the  General 
Assembly.  The  day  before,  December  10,  1839,  the  Democrats 
assembled  in  state  convention  had  denounced  "whig  individ- 
uals, whig  policies  and  the  Whig  party,"  and  to  such  denuncia- 
tions Lincoln  took  exception.  He  challenged  their  authors  to 
meet  him  and  other  Whigs  at  any  place  they  might  designate, 
and  there  to  plead  their  respective  causes  before  the  people. 
The  meeting  adjourned  until  the  next  evening,  at  which  time 
it  reassembled  and  its  members  listened  to  a  "speech"  by  A.  P. 
Field,  and  appointed  a  committee  composed  of  Hardin,  Brown- 
ing, and  Baker  to  make  arrangements  with  the  Democrats  for 
joint  debate.11 

Illinois  was  fully  represented  at  the  National  Whig  Con- 
vention held  at  Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania,  in  December,  1839. 
From  the  beginning  the  Illinois  delegates  supported  Clay,  but 
on  the  last  ballot  they  separated  from  their  neighboring  dele- 
gates and  voted  for  Harrison,  thus  gaining  the  distinction  of 
being  delegates  from  the  most  southern  and  western  state  to 
support  the  nominee.12  Although  Clay  was  favored  over  Har- 
rison by  the  Illinois  Whigs,  that  party  loyally  accepted  the 
verdict  of  the  nominating  body  and  entered  the  campaign  with 
enthusiasm. 

Harrison's  nomination  in  December,  1839,  was  followed 
during  the  next  spring  and  early  summer  by  ratification  meet- 
ings, both  national  and  state.  In  a  national  ratification  con- 
vention held  at  Baltimore  in  May,  1840,  the  Illinois  delegation 

10To  give  the  names  of  all  the  prominent  Whigs  taking  part  in  this 
convention  is  out  of  the  question.  There  are  some,  however,  that  deserve 
mention.  Among  the  accredited  delegates  were  E.  D.  Baker  and  Josiah 
Francis  of  Sangamon ;  J.  C.  Howell  of  Macoupin ;  W.  B.  Warren  and 
William  Sergeant  of  Morgan ;  Joshua  Beal  and  Ezra  Baker,  Jr.,  of 
Wabash ;  George  Smith  and  William  Otwell  of  Madison ;  Archibald  Job 
of  Cass.  John  T.  Stuart  was  one  of  the  leading  spirits.  E.  D.  Baker 
furnished  the  oratory. 

^Sangamo  Journal,  December  20,  1839. 

12For  account  of  the  National  Nominating  Convention  see  Monthly 
Chronicle,  I.,  519. 


68  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [68 

was  comparatively  large  and  attracted  considerable  attention. 
Upon  the  Illinois  banner  carried  in  the  ratifying  procession 
were  inscribed,  ''She  will  Teach  Palace  Slaves  to  Respect  the 
Log  Cabin,"  and  "The  Prairies  Are  on  Fire."13  One  of  the 
largest  meetings  held  in  the  West  was  the  "Young  Men's  Con- 
vention, and  Old  Soldiers'  Meeting",  which  convened  at  Spring- 
field, Illinois,  June  2,  1840.  As  the  title  indicates  this  was  a 
union  meeting.  The  old  soldiers  met  in  a  sort  of  rally,  while 
the  young  Whigs  held  a  convention.  Accounts  of  the  meeting 
are  conflicting,  but  it  is  safe  to  say  that  it  was  attended  by 
thousands,  with  practically  every  county  in  the  state  repre- 
sented. The  resolutions  passed  are  but  reiterations  of  those 
already  noticed.  The  meeting  was  intended  primarily  to  create 
interest  and  enthusiasm  for  Harrison  and  it  succeeded  in  a 
large  measure.  In  addition  it  gave  an  opportunity  to  the 
younger  element  to  assert  its  influence.14  The  enthusiasm  gen- 
erated at  this  meeting  spread  very  generally  to  all  parts 
of  the  state.  A  great  many  counties  held  rallies  in  connection 
with  barbecues,  at  which  times  the  gathered  assembly  was  ad- 
dressed by  Lincoln  or  one  of  the  other  candidates  for  presiden- 
tial elector. 

The  Whig  State  Convention  had  provided  for  a  state  central 
committee  composed  of  five  members,  whose  duties  were  to  stim- 
ulate county  organization  and  direct  its  work.  The  members 
of  that  committee  were  A.  G.  Henry,  E.  F.  Barrett,  A.  Lincoln, 
J.  F.  Speed,  and  E.  D.  Baker.  Following  the  instructions  of 
the  convention  this  committee  drew  up  a  comprehensive  plan  of 
organization,  which,  with  modifications,  has  done  service  many 
times  since.  By  this  plan  the  leaders  expected  to  know  with 
remarkable  exactness  the  party  affiliations  of  every  voter  in  the 
state.  This  committee  had  the  power  of  appointing  county 
central  committees,  which  in  turn  were  to  divide  their  respective 
counties  into  small  districts  and  appoint  in  each  a  sub-commit- 
tee. The  sub-committee  was  instructed  to  make  "perfect  lists" 
of  all  the  voters  in  their  respective  districts.  Nor  were  the 
sub-committees  to  be  satisfied  with  ascertaining  their  neighbors' 
party  affiliations:  they  were  urged  to  encourage  all  Whigs  to 
keep  in  line,  and  to  seek  out  wavering  Democrats  and  try  to 

13Norton,  Revolution  of  1840,  p.  in. 

14For  account  of  this  meeting  see  Sangamo  Journal,  June  5,  1840. 


69]  HARRISON  AND  TYLER  69 

persuade  them  to  support  Harrison  and  Tyler.15  The  circular 
embodying  the  plans  of  organization  was  intended  for  the  eyes 
of  good  Whigs  only,  but  thanks  to  the  Democratic  press  it  be- 
came public.  Thereupon  the  Whig  newspapers  copied  the  cir- 
cular and  urged  the  acceptance  of  its  provisions.  "We  call 
upon  the  Whigs  in  every  county  throughout  the  state  to  organ- 
ize on  the  plan  recommended  in  the  circular.  ...  If  the  vil- 
lainous post  masters  have  intercepted  any  of  the  circulars  going 
to  the  several  counties,  the  Whigs  in  each  county  are  hereby 
requested  to  organize  .  .  .  and  .  .  .  rid  .  .  .  the  country  of  the 
corrupt  horde  of  hireling  office  holders,  which  are  now,  like 
hungry  blood  suckers,  eating  and  stealing  our  substance." 

Such  methods  characterized  the  presidential  campaign  of 
1840.  Not  only  was  genuine  and  legitimate  enthusiasm  mani- 
fested, but  extravagant  and  farcical  pretensions  were  carried  to 
an  almost  unbelievable  extreme.  Sympathies  and  passions  were 
appealed  to;  the  hospitality,  unpretentious  life,  bravery,  loy- 
alty, and  even  the  illiteracy  and  poverty  of  Harrison  were  cited 
and  magnified  by  the  Whigs  in  an  endeavor  to  bring  their  can- 
didate into  sharp  contrast  with  the  cultured  and  cosmopolitan 
Van  Buren.16  Songs,  learned  more  quickly  and  remembered 
longer  on  account  of  their  jingle  than  because  of  any  sense  they 
conveyed,  were  used  to  drown  out  any  arguments  that  might 
be  advanced  by  friends  of  the  administration;  pictures  of  log 

15In  Lincoln,  Complete  Works,  I.,  38-9,  the  circular  is  printed  as 
having  been  written  by  Mr.  Lincoln.  The  following  is  the  way  in  which 
the  circular  became  public :  a  copy  was  sent  to  John  Wentworth,  who  pub- 
lished it  in  his  paper,  the  Chicago  Democrat,  together  with  the  following 
letter : 

"Springfield,  January  i,  1840. 

J.  Wentworth,  Esq. — Sir:  This  letter  [the  circular]  fell  into  my  hands 
in  a  manner  which  I  need  not  mention  to  you.  It  is  well  concocted,  but 
it  is  hoped  that  their  designs  may  be  frustrated,  by  exposing  their  secretary 
at  an  early  day. — It  is  printed  in  the  form  of  a  circular,  and  has  the 
following  endorsement:  'Don't  forget  to  send  Stuart  a  list  of  names,  to 
whom  he  can  send  .documents.  Yours  etc. 

A.  G.  HENRY;  " 

See  Sangamo  Journal,  February  21,  1840. 

16For  an  excellent  account  of  the  methods  of  Whig  campaigning  in 
1840,  see  Buckingham,  The  Eastern  and  Western  States  of  America,  III., 
283  ff. 


70  THE   ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [70 

cabins  and  cider  barrels17  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the 
American  flag  floating  from  a  tall  pole  spoke  mutely  but  effect- 
ively of  some  subtle  connection  between  the  environment  of  the 
frontier  and  a  love  for  the  country's  flag.  If  the  Whigs  began 
these  nonsensical  methods  of  getting  votes,  the  Democrats  were 
not  slow  to  adopt  them  with  certain  modifications.18 

As  soon  as  the  nominations  of  the  respective  national  con- 
ventions became  known,  attacks  were  made  upon  the  integrity, 
honor,  and  ability  of  the  candidates,  and  these  attacks  in  a  short 
time  descended  to  invectives  without  foundation.  The  president 
was  charged  with  being  a  blue  light  Federalist  in  1812;  an 
enemy  to  Jackson  in  1824;  a  supporter  of  a  large  standing 

17An  examination  of  western  Whig  newspapers  leads  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  use  of  cuts  of  log  cabins,  cider  barrels,  and  flag  poles  was  very 
general,  and  on  account  of  their  exact  similarity  in  size,  etc.,  they  must 
have  been  stock  cuts  sold  or  distributed  from  some  central  agency.  Com- 
pare Sangamo  Journal  and  Log  Cabin  Herald  (campaign  paper  published 
in  Chillicothe,  O.).  The  origin  of  the  expressions  having  to  do  with  log 
cabins  and  hard  cider  seems  to  have  been  in  an  effort  on  the  part  of  the 
Democrats  to  make  capital  of  Harrison's  early  poverty.  In  reply  to  such 
an  accusation  a  Whig  paper  said :  "We  thank  the  enemy  for  giving  us 
the  LOG  CABIN  for  our  party  EMBLEM.  It  is  a  most  fitting  illustra- 
tion of  our  principles.  It  carries  the  mind  back  to  a  period  of  Republican 
simplicity,  when  our  Rulers  were  faithful  and  honest.  Fortunately  our 
country  is  not  so  old  in  years,  nor  our  People  so  enervated  by  luxury, 
as  to  forget  their  LOG  CABIN  origin.  We  all  know  that  Patriotism 
resides  among  our  yeomanry.  The  watchfires  of  Liberty  are  guarded  and 
fed  by  the  dwellers  in  Log  Cabins.  We  are  proud  therefore,  of  the  oppor- 
tunity of  supporting  a  Log-Cabin  candidate  for  President.  We  joyfully 
accept  the  LOG  CABIN  as  our  COAT  OF  ARMS."— Sangamo  Journal, 
July  3,  1840. 

18For  examples  of  typical  songs  sung  during  the  campaign,  see  Norton, 
Revolution  of  1840,  Sangamo  Journal,  April  24,  May  9,  1840.  Both  parties 
established  campaign  sheets,  e.g.  Ball  in  Motion,  (Democratic)  issued  from 
office  of  Chicago  Democrat;  Old  Hickory,  (Democratic)  issued  from  office 
of  State  Register;  Old  Soldier.  (Whig)  issued  from  office  of  Sangamo 
Journal.  See  State  Register,  February  5,  21,  1840;  Scott,  Newspapers  and 
Periodicals  of  Illinois,  1814-1879.  Index.  One  of  the  most  effective  Whig 
campaign  stories  was  that  told  of  Harrison's  address  to  his  old  comrades 
when  taking  leave  of  them  after  the  War  of  1812.  "//  ever  you  come  to 
Vincennes,  you  will  always  find  a  plate  and  a  knife  and  fork  at  my  table, 
and  I  assure  you  that  you  will  never  find  my  door  shut  and  the  string  of 
the  latch  pulled  in."  Sangamo  Journal,  May  9,  1840. 


71]  HARRISON  AND  TYLER  71 

army;  an  abolitionist  at  heart;  a  friend  and  supporter  of  free- 
negro  suffrage;  a  spendthrift;  unfriendly  to  the  West,  to  free 
labor,  to  Catholicism  and  to  white  suffrage  in  some  cases;  bit- 
terly opposed  to  federal  aid  for  internal  improvements;  and 
finally  with  being  uppish  in  his  every  day  intercourse  with  his 
fellow  citizens.19  A  part  of  these  accusations  the  Democratic 
press  and  politicians  tried  to  refute;  the  rest  were  left  con- 
temptuously unanswered. 

The  Democrats  on  their  part  did  not  hesitate  to  turn  like 
weapons  against  the  Whigs.  The  result  was  that  every  act  and 
utterance  of  Harrison  was  subjected  to  the  closest  scrutiny. 
First  of  all,  it  was  charged  that  the  Whig  candidate  was  ex- 
tremely senile.  This  charge  the  Whigs  could  not  effectively 
disprove,  but  as  if  to  render  it  inoperative  they  called  upon  the 
young  men  of  the  party  to  show  their  loyalty  to  the  old  hero. 
In  addition  it  was  urged  that  the  candidate  had  not  the  ability 
to  fill  the  office  he  sought,  and  as  evidence  to  prove  this  con- 
tention pointed  to  his  poor  administration  while  governor  of 
Indiana  Territory.  The  strangest  charge  of  all  against  the  hero 
of  Tippecanoe  was  that  of  military  incompetency,  and  coward- 
ice manifested  in  battle;  strange  because  Harrison  was  in  the 
minds  of  western  people  second  only  to  Jackson  in  military 
ability  and  courage.  What  made  the  charge  the  more  galling 
to  the  Illinois  Whigs  was  the  resurrection  of  an  old  accusation 
of  this  nature  made  by  Governor  Duncan,  who  had  shared 
honors  with  Major  Croghan  in  the  heroic  defense  of  Fort  Ste- 
phenson.  To  the  rank  and  file  of  both  parties,  however,  this 
charge  was  preposterous  and  very  generally  unbelieved,  despite 
the  fact  that  the  Democratic  press  reiterated  it  time  and  time 
again  and  brought  forward  rather  good  proof  to  support  the 
contention.20  To  offset  the  prevalent  opinion  that  Van  Buren 
was  not  one  of  the  common  people,  there  was  unearthed  an  old 

l9Sangamo  Journal,  October  8,  1836,  January  19,  March  30,  December 
27,  1839,  May  9,  July  10,  19,  August  2,  14,  28,  1840.  In  some  of  these 
articles  Van  Buren's  votes  in  United  States  senate,  his  message  to  Con- 
gress, Clarke's  Report  of  New  York  Convention,  and  Holland's  Van  Buren 
are  cited  as  evidence.  The  Whig  press  was  adept  in  making  such  charges 
effective.  In  giving  a  two  column  account  of  the  new  furnishings  in  the 
White  House,  French  names  were  uniformly  given  to  articles  whenever 
possible,  even  though  they  were  of  domestic  manufacture.  See  Sangamo 
Journal,  August  2,  1840. 

20State  Register,  October  30,  1840. 


72  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [72 

vote  of  Harrison's  in  the  Ohio  legislature,  which  seemed  to  put 
him  on  record  as  favoring  property  qualification  for  voting  and 
imprisonment  for  debt.  Because  the  entire  procedure  was  sus- 
ceptible of  double  interpretation  the  charge  did  little  more  than 
to  cloud  the  real  issues  of  the  campaign.21 

The  greatest  disability  under  which  the  Whigs  worked,  was 
the  widespread  belief  that  Harrison  had  a  leaning  toward  the 
abolitionists.  The  Whig  press  and  party  organization  recog- 
nized the  danger  of  allowing  such  a  charge  to  go  unrefuted,  and 
consequently  nothing  was  left  undone  to  convince  Illinois  voters 
that  Harrison  did  not  belong  to  that  sect  ' '  of  misguided  philan- 
thropists."- Letters  from  the  state  organization  with  their 
replies  from  Harrison  or  his  managers  were  printed  in  the  Whig 
papers  with  the  declaration  that  the  Ohio  man  was  a  safe  can- 
didate ;  and  this  was  no  doubt  true,  for  a  study  of  these  letters 
indicates  that  Harrison  was  satisfied  with  conditions,  and  de- 
sired to  see  no  change  whatever  in  the  domestic  affairs  of  any 
state,  unless  undertaken  and  carried  out  by  that  state  itself.23 
Although  the  Whig  leaders  failed  to  prove  conclusively  that 
their  candidate  was  untainted  with  abolitionism,  the  effect  of 
such  charges  on  the  minds  of  the  voters  was  more  than  neutral- 
ized by  the  widespread  rumors  that  Van  Buren  was  an  out  and 
out  abolitionist,  and  that  he  was  only  waiting  for  an  opportu- 
nity to  declare  his  position.24 

Much  has  been  said  and  written  about  the  failure  of  the 
National  Whig  Convention  of  1839  to  promulgate  a  platform 
of  principles  upon  which  to  base  their  claims  for  political  sup- 

21See  State  Register,  September  31,  1839. 

—House  Journal,  1838-9,  p.  170. 

23See  Harrison  to  T.  Sloo,  Sangamo  Journal,  June  II,  1840;  Harrison 
to  H.  Alexander,  Ibid.  April  24,  1840;  Harrison  to  A.  G.  Henry,  Ibid. 
July  17,  1840.  See  also  State  Register,  September  21,  1839,  (quoting  from 
Indiana  State  Register,  and  Boston* Globe),  July  17,  1840.  For  report  of 
Harrison's  Cheviot  speech  see  Sangamo  Journal,  June  n,  1840.  In  an 
address  said  to  have  been  delivered  at  Vincennes  in  1835  Harrison  said : 
"Am  I  wrong,  fellow  citizens,,  in  applying  the  terms  weak,  presumptuous, 
and  unconstitutional  to  the  measures  of  the  emancipation?"  In  a  letter 
written  the  same  year  Harrison  is  said  to  have  declared  that  Congress 
had  no  right  to  abolish  slavery  in  any  state,  and  only  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  on  the  consent  of  Virginia  and  Maryland.  Speeches  in  Con- 
gressional Globe,  VIII,  (Appendix),  throw  light  on  this  subject. 

24Sangamo  Journal,  December  27,  1839. 


73]  HARRISON  AND  TYLER  73 

port,  and  the  generally  accepted  idea  is  that  such  failure  was 
due  to  the  knowledge  among  the  leaders  that  no  declaration  of 
principles  could  be  made  without  alienating  one  or  more  of  the 
conflicting  factions  that  went  to  make  up  the  opposition 
to  Van  Buren.  The  Whig  party  in  Illinois  was  not  unlike  the 
national  organization  in  that  it  was  made  up  of  widely  divergent 
elements,  yet  in  the  state  convention  of  1839,  as  has  been  seen, 
the  Whigs  came  out  openly  upon  issues  that  could  not  be  mis- 
taken, and  a  little  later  they  declared  their  willingness  to  discuss 
them  before  the  people  in  joint  debate.  There  was  a  tendency, 
however,  to  inject  personal  abuse  even  when  real  issues  were 
under  discussion.  The  so-called  "declaration  of  Harrisonian 
Principles"  were  thinly  disguised  attacks  upon  the  Jackson 
and  Van  Buren  administrations,  and  a  discussion  of  them  often 
partook  of  the  nature  of  personal  attack.  In  the  hands  of 
skillful  campaigners  these  principles  were  practically  irresisti- 
ble, for  even  the  Democratic  leaders  could  not  deny  their 
applicability  to  a  republican  form  of  government. 

First  of  all  came  the  declaration  that  Harrison  favored  the 
proposition  to  make  the  president  ineligible  for  re-election,  and 
in  proclaiming  this  doctrine  the  Whigs  naturally  applied  the 
corollary  that  the  incumbent  of  the  office  carried  on  the  admin- 
istration of  the  government  in  the  interest  of  his  re-election, 
and  more  specifically  that  Jackson  had  done  so,  and  that  Van 
Buren 's  whole  term  of  office  had  been  shaped  with  that  object 
in  view.  Secondly,  the  Whigs  raised  the  cry  "back  to  the  Con- 
stitution," charging  Van  Buren  and  his  advisers  with  having 
perverted  that  instrument  for  their  own  benefit.  Accompany- 
ing these  declarations  were  demands  for  rigid  accountability  of 
public  officers,  more  freedom  by  the  states  in  administering 
their  domestic  affairs,  freedom  in  election  for  public  officials,  a 
stable  and  uniform  currency,  and  finally  the  demand  for  fed- 
eral encouragement  of  American  manufactures,  and  a  restora- 
tion of  confidence  and  credit  throughout  the  land.  In  addition, 
any  increase  in  the  standing  army,  or  the  enactment  of  any 
enlistment  law  embodying  the  conscription  feature,  was  con- 
demned.25 

Although  the  Illinois  Whigs  declared  for  a  protective  tariff, 
they  did  not  press  it  on  the  voters  as  a  vital  issue  during  the 
campaign  of  1839-40,  apparently  for  the  reason  that  the  people 

25For  a  list  of  these  principles  see  Sangamo  Journal,  July  24,  1840. 


74  THE   ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [74 

of  Illinois  naturally  favored  a  moderate  tariff  of  the  type  of  the 
one  of  1846.  Instead  they  relied  for  success  on  persuading  the 
voters  that  Harrison  was  their  logical  candidate,  and  that  Van 
Buren  was  unworthy  of  re-election. 

A  prominent  characteristic  of  the  presidential  campaign  of 
1840,  was  the  use,  or  rather  misuse,  of  epithets  to  designate 
parties,  factions  and  cliques.  The  Whigs  were  called  bankites, 
wigs,  wiggies,  wiggles,  Federalists,  blue  lights,  and  Abolition- 
ists; while  the  Democrats,  much  against  their  wish,  were  stig- 
matized as  Locofocos,  Van  Burenites,  Tories,  and  Abolitionists. 
In  the  case  of  the  Whigs,  they  hated  above  all  the  appellation, 
Federalists,  for  it  was  generally  believed  that  the  roots  of  the 
Whig  party  extended  into  the  anti-Jeffersonian  party  of  1800, 
and  to  the  mind  of  the  ordinary  voter  of  Illinois  in  1840,  oppo- 
sition to  Jefferson  in  1800  and  to  Madison  in  1812,  was  unpar- 
donable. The  Democratic  press,  recognizing  that  this  was  the 
most  odious  of  all  the  terms  applied  to  the  Whig  party,  very 
generally  refused  to  call  its  opponents  anything  but  Federalists, 
and  worked  industriously  to  fasten  the  idea  in  the  minds  of  the 
people  that  there  was  little  difference  between  the  Federalists 
and  the  Hartford  Convention  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Whig 
party  on  the  other.  The  Whig  press  and  speakers  very  gener- 
ally used  the  term  locofocos  to  designate  the  Democratic  party, 
and  by  its  use  hoped  to  convey  a  general  idea  of  disgrace  or 
perfidy,  but  its  use  could  scarcely  have  affected  the  outcome  of 
the  election.  Of  all  the  terms  used  to  designate  the  Whig  party, 
the  Whigs  themselves  preferred  to  be  called  anti-Van  Buren, 
while  their  opponents  clung  tenaciously  to  Democrat  or  Demo- 
cratic for  themselves. 

Something  has  been  said  already  about  the  abolitionist 
movement  and  its  effect  upon  this  campaign,  but  an  enlargement 
of  that  subject  at  this  time  seems  appropriate,  for  of  all  the 
issues  discussed,  it  was  the  most  dreaded  by  the  leaders,  the 
least  understood  by  the  rank  and  file,  and  its  influence  the  most 
difficult  to  trace.  The  leaders  and  press  of  each  party  fully 
realized  the  political  value  of  proving  that  the  opposition  was 
in  league  with  the  abolitionists,  and  consequently  the  most  ex- 
travagant and  absurd  stories  were  circulated  to  show  the 
friendly  attitude  of  one  or  the  other  candidate  toward  the 
movement  to  free  the  slaves.  Harrison  was  charged  with 
"double  dealing,"  that  is,  with  expressing  sympathy  with  the 


75]  HARRISON  AND  TYLER  75 

abolition  movement  in  New  England,  and  at  the  same  time  pre- 
tending to  the  southerners  that  he  favored  a  continuation  and 
extension  of  the  slavery  system.26  Van  Buren  came  in  for 
similar  denunciations,  but  the  Democratic  party  organization  in 
the  state  was  too  strong  to  allow  any  considerable  defection 
from  the  party  on  this  account.  John  Tyler,  the  Whig  nominee 
for  second  place,  escaped  any  such  criticism,  which  Richard  M. 
Johnson,  who  was  the  vice-presidential  candidate  on  the  Demo- 
cratic ticket,  came  in  for  considerable  censure  because  of  the 
widely  circulated  story  that  he  was  married  to  a  negro  woman. 
Despite  the  unpopularity  of  the  abolitionists,  and  the  great 
reluctance  of  either  party  publicly  to  claim  their  political  sup- 
port, the  political  leaders  in  Illinois  made  an  effort  to  poll  the 
abolition  vote  for  their  respective  candidates,  with  the  result 
that  the  Whigs  secured  the  major  portion  of  such  vote,  not 
because  the  Whigs  as  a  party  were  more  favorable  to  anti- 
slavery  than  were  the  Democrats,  but  rather  because  a  majority 
of  the  Illinois  Abolitionists  had  formerly  been  Whigs,  and  gave 
nominal  allegiance  to  that  party  in  political  matters;  and  what 
is  more  significant  there  is  little  evidence  to  show  that  such 
abolitionists  felt  the  necessity  at  that  time  of  appealing  to  the 
ballot  for  redress  of  what  they  considered  primarily  a  social  and 
religious  wrong. 

That  Jackson's  influence  in  Illinois  politics  existed  long 
after  he  had  retired  from  public  life,  is  fully  attested  by  the 
endeavor  of  each  party  to  claim  Jackson  as  a  supporter  for  its 
candidate.  The  Democratic  leaders  laid  stress  on  the  fact  that 
Van  Buren  had  been  Jackson's  choice  in  1836,  and  with  this  as 
a  premise  argued  that  a  vote  against  Van  Buren  in  1840  would 
be  an  affront  to  ' '  Old  Hickory. ' '  The  Whigs,  on  the  other  hand, 
claimed  that  the  administration  of  Van  Buren  had  been  so 
radically  different  from  that  of  Jackson,  that  the  Tennesseean 
actually  repudiated  the  "Little  Wizard"  as  his  disciple.  To 
help  Harrison  it  was  pointed  out,  and  with  considerable  truth, 
that  the  training,  ideals,  and  capacities  of  the  "Hero  of  Tippe- 
canoe"  were  not  at  all  unlike  those  possessed  by  the  "Hero  of 
New  Orleans"  at  his  accession  to  the  presidency  in  1829,  and 
. 

26E.g.  "In  all  the  New  England  States  he  [Harrison]  is  an  Aboli- 
tionist of  the  first  water.  In  Kentucky,  Missouri,  Tennessee,  and  all  the 
other  slave-holding  States,  he  is  represented  as  a  whole-hog  slaveite — one 
who  is  for  slavery  in  every  form."  State  Register,  July  17,  1840. 


76  THE   ILLINOIS   WHIGS  [76 

all  the  arguments  used  by  the  Jackson  adherents  in  1824  and 
1828,  to  further  the  interests  of  their  candidate  were  revived 
and  put  into  use  by  the  Whigs  for  Harrison's  benefit  in  1840.27 

During  this  political  campaign  there  cropped  out  a  charge, 
which  was  made  by  the  Democratic  press,  that  there  existed  at 
Springfield  a  Whig  Junto,  not  unlike  the  "Albany  Regency" 
or  the  "Richmond  Junto."  It  was  asserted  repeatedly,  and 
never  was  it  successfully  contradicted,  that  this  self-appointed, 
dictatorial  body  asserted  its  power  even  in  the  selection  of 
Whig  candidates  for  county  offices  in  some  of  the  more  impor- 
tant counties.  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  was  pointed  out  by  the  Demo- 
cratic press  as  leader  of  this  clique,  vehemently  denied  that 
there  existed  such  a  body,  called  the  editor  of  the  State  Register 
a  liar,  but,  so  far  as  is  known  to  the  writer,  he  brought  forward 
no  evidence  to  prove  his  contentions.  Whatever  the  merits  of 
the  controversy  may  be,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  Lincoln, 
Stuart,  W.  H.  Herndon,  Logan,  Baker,  and  other  Springfield 
Whigs  possessed  an  influence  in  the  councils  of  the  party  out  of 
all  proportion  to  their  numerical  strength,  but  it  is  perhaps  not 
too  much  to  say  that  this  influence  was  based  entirely  on  supe- 
rior political  ability,  for  the  Whigs  of  Jacksonville,  Alton, 
Chicago,  and  Galena  were  too  numerous  and  had  too  much 
ambition  to  have  given  up  the  party  leadership  on  any  other 
ground.28 

In  the  August  election  of  1840,  the  Democrats  succeeded 
in  electing  fifty-one  of  the  ninety-one  members  of  the  lower 
house  of  the  General  Assembly,  but  this  success  was  in  no  wise 
indicative  of  what  might  be  expected  in  the  November  election, 

27The  Whig  organization,  however,  was  unable  to  prevent  certain  mem- 
bers of  that  party,  who  were  fanatical  anti-Jackson  men,  from  attacking 
the  "old  hero"  unmercifully.  Mr.  Hodge,  editor  of  the  Free  Press,  is  re- 
ported to  have  said  late  in  the  year  1839,  "It  is  time  the  eighth  of  January 
was  stricken  from  the  calendar  of  Festivals.  I  firmly  believe  that  if  the 
British  had  burned  and  pillaged  New  Orleans,  it  would  not  have  been  so 
great  an  injustice  to  the  country  as  the  effect  (of)  General  Jackson's 
administrations  have  been,  and  will  be  for  generations  to  come."  Quoted 
in  State  Register,  September  7,  1839.  Particular  stress  was  laid  upon  the 
statement  that  Jacksonianism  and  Van  Burenism  were  entirely  different. 
see  Hales'  Memoirs,  I.,  278;  Sangamo  Journal,  November  7,  1836;  T.  C. 
Browne  to  H.  Eddy,  February  25,  1840.  (Eddy  MSS.) 

28For  a  thorough  discussion  of  the  Springfield  Junto  together  with 
specific  charges  of  political  dictation,  see  State  Register,  November  23, 
1839,  passim. 


77]  HARRISON  AND  TYLER  77 

for  the  apportionment  under  which  members  of  the  General 
Assembly  were  elected  was  that  of  1836,  since  which  date  the 
Northern  counties,  which  were  supposed  to  be  Whig,  had 
received  a  very  large  immigration  from  the  older  states  and 
from  Europe.  An  examination  of  the  election  returns  shows  a 
marked  sectional  aspect.  With  the  exception  of  Madison  County 
and  four  counties  bordering  on  the  Ohio  and  Wabash  Rivers, 
the  whole  southern  part  of  the  state  south  of  the  mouth  of  the 
Illinois  River  was  solidly  Democratic.  In  addition  the  Demo- 
crats carried  the  greater  part  of  the  Military  Tract,  a  tier  of 
counties  adjoining  Sangamon  on  the  east  and  south,  and  the 
district  along  the  route  of  the  Illinois  and  Michigan  Canal.  The 
Whig  strength  lay  principally  in  the  districts  adjoining 
Indiana,  in  Sangamon  and  adjoining  counties,  and  in  the 
extreme  northwestern  part  of  the  state. 

As  the  campaign  drew  to  a  close,  enthusiasm  grew  beyond 
reasonable  bounds.  Both  sides  threw  away  whatever  common 
sense  arguments  they  had  prepared;  charges  of  contemplated 
election  frauds  were  freely  made  on  each  side;  the  Van  Buren 
administration  was  branded  with  maladministration ;  the  private 
lives  of  many  prominent  state  politicians  were  carefully 
scrutinized  and  exposed  to  ridicule  by  hostile  editors,  who  were 
adepts  in  such  kinds  of  attacks.  The  candidates  for  electors  in 
particular  canvassed  the  state  with  as  much  earnestness  and 
enthusiasm  as  if  they  were  seeking  the  most  important  state 
offices  ;29  and  the  last  issues  of  the  papers  of  each  party  warned 
the  reader  of  the  most  diabolical  plots  to  "thwart  the  sovereign 
will  of  the  people;"  and  prophesied  that  the  most  dreadful 
disasters  would  befall  the  country  in  case  the  candidates  of  the 
opposing  party  should  be  elected. 

The  Van  Buren  electoral  ticket  was  successful,  but  only  by 
a  small  majority  of  two  thousand  out  of  a  total  vote  little  short 
of  one  hundred  thousand.30  This  large  vote,  which  was  almost 

29The  Democratic  electors  in  1840  were :  Adam  W.  Snyder,  J.  P. 
Walker,  John  A.  McClernand,  John  W.  Eldridge  and  James  H.  Ralston. 

The  Whig  electors  were :  Samuel  D.  Marshall,  Edwin  B.  Webb,  Abra- 
ham Lincoln,  Cyrus  Walker  and  Buckner  S.  Morris. 

30Total  vote  cast  was  93,514;  number  of  votes  cast  for  Van  Buren 
electors,  47,631 ;  number  of  votes  cast  for  Harrison  electors,  45,5/4. 

(NOTE.  In  these  totals  each  party  is  credited  with  the  vote  of  its 
highest  elector.)  MSS.  Election  Returns,  (Secretary  of  State's  Office, 
Springfield,  Illinois.) 


78  THE   ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [78 

three  times  as  great  as  that  cast  for  the  presidential  election  in 
1836,  ten  per  cent  greater  than  the  entire  vote  cast  for  governor 
in  1842,  and  only  some  ten  per  cent  less  than  the  total  vote 
for  presidential  electors  in  1844,  is  evidence  of  the  enthusiasm 
of  the  campaign,  and  the  successful  efforts  of  both  organizations 
in  bringing  to  the  polls  the  full  party  vote.81 

An  examination  of  the  few  election  schedules  now  intact 
indicates  the  strength  of  the  defection  from  the  earlier  Jack- 
sonian  ranks  due  to  various  causes,  particularly  to  the  unpopu- 
larity of  Van  Buren  and  his  administration.32  This  loss, 
however,  was  more  than  offset  by  the  heavy  Democratic  vote 
polled  in  the  section  in  which  the  foreign  elements  had  settled, 
and  along  the  line  of  the  Illinois  and  Michigan  Canal.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Whigs  received  the  unanimous  support  of  the 
Mormons  who  had  but  recently  come  into  the  state  from 
Missouri,  with  this  exception,  that  they  substituted  the  name  of 
James  H.  Ralston,  Democratic  electoral  candidate,  for  that  of 
the  Whig  candidate,  Abraham  Lincoln.  To  this  they  were 
instigated,  it  was  charged  at  the  time,  by  Stephen  A.  Douglas.33 
Both  before  and  after  the  election,  charges  of  fraud  were 
repeatedly  made  against  both  parties,  particularly  against  the 
Whigs,  who  were  charged  with  importing  voters  from  Missouri, 
Iowa,  Indiana,  and  Kentucky,  but  on  account  of  the  general 

31Despite  the  loss  of  the  state  to  Van  Buren,  Illinois  Whigs  rejoiced 
exceedingly  in  national  victory.  Henry  Eddy,  who  was  conservative  to 
a  marked  degree,  gave  way  to  his  feelings  thus :  "Glory  enough  for  one 
day,  or  one  year,  or  ten  years.  The  spoilers  are  driven  from  the  capital, 
and  honest  public  servants  will  be  installed  on  the  4th  day  of  March,  next. 
Never  despair  of  the  republic  after  this.  The  people,  though  slow  to 
wrath,  are  terrible  when  aroused  by  12  years  maladministration."  H.  Eddy 
to  J.  Raum,  November  9,  1840  (Raum  MSS.) 

32Among  other  prominent  men  in  Springfield  the  following  voted  for 
Harrison :  William  L.  May,  (Former  Democratic  Congressman)  ;  Enoch 
Moore,  (Private  secretary  to  Governor  Ford)  ;  Ninina  W.  Edwards,  (A 
prominent  Jackson  man  in  1834)  ;  A.  P.  Field,  (A  typical  "whole  hog" 
Jackson  man  in  1824)  ;  Thomas  C.  Browne,  (Jackson  supporter  in  1824). 
MSS.  Election  schedules.  (Sangamon  County  Court  House.) 

MSS.  Election  Schedules  in  the  following  counties  bear  out  this  con- 
clusion :  Fayette,  Coles,  Macoupin,  Edwards. 

88For  further  information  about  the  Mormons'  support  of  the  Whig 
ticket,  see  Greene  and  Thompson,  Governors'  Letter-Books,  II.,  Ixxx, 
passim.  State  Register,  November  27,  30,  1840. 


79]  HARRISON  AND  TYLER  79 

success  of  the  Democratic  ticket  in  the  state,  these  charges  were 
never  pushed,  and  the  Whigs  on  their  part,  not  having  the 
machinery  of  government,  were  able  to  do  nothing  more  than 
to  charge  unofficially  that  they  had  been  defeated  by  unfair 
methods.34 

The  real  beginning  of  the  struggle  over  the  foreign  vote 
in  Illinois  was  in  the  gubernatorial  election  of  1838.  The  term 
foreign,  as  used  at  the  time,  had  a  double  meaning,  and  as  a 
result  confusion  has  arisen.  To  many  it  simply  meant  citizens 
of  other  states  who  had  not  resided  within  the  state  the  neces- 
sary six  months,  which,  by  the  constitution  of  1818,  gave  them 
a  right  to  vote.  To  others  the  word  foreign  applied  exclusively 
to  all  persons  not  born  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United 
States.  According  to  the  general  practice  members  of  either 
class  voted  at  all  elections  after  having  lived  the  prescribed 
half-year  within  the  borders  of  the  state.  The  Democrats  had 
elected  Carlin  governor  in  1838,  but  only  by  a  very  small 
majority,  and  the  charge  was  freely  made  by  the  Whigs  that 
his  election  had  been  made  possible  by  the  vote  of  the  canal 
laborers.  In  this  case  the  foreigners  were  in  the  main  citizens 
of  other  states  who  had  not  acquired  franchise  in  Illinois  by 
the  proper  length  of  residence.35 

The  other  and  more  important  aspect  of  the  foreign  vote 
entered  into  the  election  of  1840.  By  this  time  it  was  estimated 
that  at  least  ten  thousand  voters  of  European  birth  claimed 
Illinois  as  their  homes.36  There  were  those  who  contended  that 
the  residence  requirement  for  voting  as  laid  down  by  the  consti- 
tution of  1818,  was  meant  to  apply  only  to  citizens  of  other 
states,  and  with  this  interpretation  granted,  a  great  number  of 
foreigners  of  legal  age  would  have  been  denied  franchise. 
Despite  their  denials,  the  Whigs  as  a  party  were  inclined  to 
look  with  disfavor  upon  foreigners  voting,  not  because  they 
were  more  of  a  native  American  party  than  were  the  Democrats, 

3*State  Register,  November  13,  17,  1840. 

35Eastern  papers  took  notice  of  the  canal  laborers  voting  the  Demo- 
cratic ticket  in  1838  and  1839.  Ignoring  the  real  contentions  in  the  case 
the  State  Register  took  occasion  to  say,  "This  is  the  old  leaven  of 
Federalism,  drawing  distinction  between  the  'educated'  dandies  travelling 
for  'recreation'  and  the  hard  working  men  in  the  'canal  ditches  of 
Illinois.'  The  dandies  are  'for  Clay' ;  well  so  be  it."  Issue  of  October 
19,  1839. 

36Ford,  History  of  Illinois,  215. 


80  THE    ILLINOIS   WHIGS  [80 

but  because  it  was  evident  that  a  large  part  of  the  foreign  vote 
was  Democratic.  Hence  a  test  case  which  was  brought  up  in 
the  circuit  court  of  Jo  Daviess  County,  in  1839,  gave  a  pre- 
cedent for  excluding  from  the  franchise  all  who  were  not  citizens 
of  one  of  the  American  states.  A  little  later  the  case  was 
appealed  by  interested  Democrats  to  the  State  Supreme  Court, 
and  placed  upon  the  calendar  for  the  June  term,  1840. 

Beginning  at  this  stage  of  the  procedure  the  political  aspect 
of  the  case  became  more  and  more  prominent.  All  the  judges 
of  the  State  Supreme  Court  were  Whig  except  T.  W.  Smith, 
and  even  his  Democratic  orthodoxy  was  questioned  by  the  party 
leaders.  Professing  to  believe  that  the  decision  would  be  given 
on  a  strict  party  vote,  Douglas,  who  was  the  leading  attorney 
for  the  Democrats,  succeeded  in  getting  the  case  continued  to 
the  December  term,  1840,  and  thus  postponed  final  decision  until 
after  the  August  and  November  elections.37 

Another  political  controversy,  one  that  had  considerable 
effect  upon  the  election  of  1840,  was  that  occasioned  by  the 
attempt  of  the  state  administration,  which  was  Democratic,  to 
oust  A.  P.  Field,  who  was  a  bitter  Whig  partizan,  from  the 
office  of  secretary  of  state.  In  1829,  Governor  Edwards  had 
appointed  Field  to  the  office  he  now  held,  and  he  continued  in 
office  without  re-appointment  through  the  following  two  admin- 
istrations and  into  that  of  Governor  Carlin.  With  Carlin 's 
election  as  Governor,  he  began  an  agitation  to  replace  Field  with 
a  Democrat.  Accordingly,  the  governor  appointed  John  A. 
McClernand  to  the  office,  sent  his  name  to  the  senate  for  ratifica- 
tion, but  that  body  resolved  by  a  vote  of  twenty-two  to  seventeen 
that  the  nomination  be  "not  advised  and  consented  to."88 
Toward  the  close  of  the  session  Carlin  sent  in  a  second  nomina- 
tion. Many  of  the  senators,  among  whom  were  prominent 
Democrats,  declared  that  this  second  nomination  "under  the 
circumstances  was  an  indignity  offered  to  the  Senate."  The 
nomination  was  rejected  by  the  decisive  vote  of  twenty-two  to 
fourteen.  Afterward  the  governor  sent  in  a  protest  against  the 
course  of  the  Senate  and  requested  that  the  same  might  be  spread 
upon  the  journal.  This  request  the  senate  refused,  but  allowed 

87Spaggins  v.  Houghton.  For  reasons  for  continuing  the  case  until 
the  December  term  see  Illinois  Reports,  III.,  211  ff.  For  final  decision  see 
Ibid.  377  ff. 

38Senate  Journal,  p.  151  ff. 


81]  HARRISON  AND  TYLER  81 

him  to  withdraw  his  protest.39  After  the  General  Assembly 
adjourned,  the  governor  took  advantage  of  the  situation  and 
appointed  McClernand  secretary  of  state  ad  interim,  but  Field 
refused  to  give  up  the  office.  Then  followed  a  heated  legal 
contest  in  which  the  State  Supreme  Court  sustained  Field.  This 
victory  was  gained,  however,  at  considerable  expense  to  the 
Whig  party.  The  court  was  under  suspicion,  and  its  decision 
for  the  Whig  claimant  seemed  to  the  majority  of  Democrats 
conclusive  proof  of  the  court's  partiality  and  partisanship.40 

At  the  special  session  of  the  General  Assembly  1839-40,  the 
Democrats  made  another  attempt  to  oust  Field  by  limiting  and 
defining  the  length  of  term  to  which  a  secretary  of  state  might 
be  appointed,  but  the  measure  failed  of  passage  by  a  strict  party 
vote.  A  few  days  later  Governor  Carlin  sent  to  the  senate  the 
name  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas  for  secretary  of  state,  but  this 
nomination  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  twenty-two  to  eighteen 
and  at  the  same  time  the  governor  was  censured  for  assuming 
that  he  had  the  right  to  appoint  a  secretary  as  long  as  the  office 
was  already  filled.  This  censure,  although  made  from  the  stand- 
point of  political  expediency,  expressed  a  real  line  of  difference 
between  the  Whigs  and  Democrats.  The  former  claimed  that  as 
long  as  there  was  no  vacancy  in  the  office  of  secretary  of  state, 
no  new  appointment  could  be  legally  made.  The  Democrats, 
on  their  part,  contended  that  as  the  secretary  was  merely  an 
attachee  of  the  governor's  office,  and  in  many  respects  his  right 
hand  man,  it  was  eminently  proper  that  each  new  state  executive 
should  be  allowed  to  choose  whom  he  would  intrust  with  the 
affairs  of  his  office.  From  the  standpoint  of  political  theories 
and  the  constitution,  the  Democrats  argued  that  the  Whig  inter- 
pretation virtually  made  life  officers,  while  the  Whigs  argued 
that  the  secretary  of  state  had  been  intended  by  the  framers  of 
the  Constitution  to  be  a  check  on  the  governor's  administrative 
acts,  and  not  to  be  merely  his  confidential  clerk  and  irrespon- 
sible tool.41 

39Sangamo  Journal,  March  9,  1839;  Ford,  History  of  Illinois,  213. 

40The  case  had  been  decided  against  Field  in  the  circuit  court  pre- 
sided over  by  a  zealous  Democrat,  Sidney  Breese  .  Field  expected  Breese 
to  hand  down  an  adverse  decision,  and  was  prepared  to  appeal  the  case 
to  the  supreme  court.  See  A.  P.  Field  to  H.  Eddy,  May  26,  1839. 
(Eddy  MSS.) 

41Ford,  History  of  Illinois,  213.  The  Missouri  Republican  went  to 
the  extreme,  declaring :  "It  no  doubt  would  be  very  convenient  in  these 


82  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [82 

The  contest  over  the  secretaryship  had  an  important  bear- 
ing on  the  election  of  1840.  Leaving  aside  the  merits  of  the 
case,  it  was  the  poorest  kind  of  a  policy  for  the  Whigs  to  con- 
tend that  an  appointive  officer  held  office  during  his  own 
pleasure,  for  in  so  doing  they  were  running  counter  to  the 
basic  political  principles  of  the  great  majority  of  the  people  in 
the  Middle  West.  Field  was  in  derision  called  King  Alexander  I, 
and  the  Democratic  newspapers  using  as  a  hypothesis  the  Whig 
contention,  that  Field  could  not  be  ousted,  built  up  the  most 
absurd  arguments  to  show  that  the  opposition  favored  removing 
the  choice  of  public  officers  from  the  hands  of  the  people,  and 
persuaded  many  to  believe  them.  The  Whigs,  on  the  other 
hand,  could  advance  nothing  but  technical  arguments  to  support 
their  contention,  and,  as  was  to  be  expected,  arguments  of  such 
a  nature  fell  to  the  ground.  Everything  considered,  it  appears 
that  the  Whigs  were  handicapped  by  Field,  by  their  hostility 
to  foreigners,  and  finally  by  the  State  Supreme  Court,  for 
neither  Field  nor  the  court  was  popular.  Moreover,  the  Whigs 
as  a  party  were  opposed  to  the  foreign  vote,  and,  despite  their 
professions  to  the  contrary,  this  opposition  was  generally  known 
to  the  foreigners  and  their  friends. 

On  account  of  deplorable  financial  conditions  due  to  the 
collapse  of  the  internal  improvement  scheme,  and  to  the  suspen- 
sion of  specie  payment  by  the  state  banks,  the  newly  elected 
General  Assembly  was  called  together  in  special  session,42  the 
meeting  taking  place  two  weeks  before  the  regular  session  should 
convene  pursuant  to  the  constitution,  on  the  first  Monday  in 
December,  1840.  The  house  organized  by  electing  William 
Lee  Davis  Ewing  speaker  over  Abraham  Lincoln,  by  a  strict 
party  vote.43  In  the  senate  the  Democrats  were  in  the  majority 
by  almost  two  to  one,  and  that  body,  like  the  house,  organized 

days  to  Loco  foco  peculation  and  fraud  for  a  Governor,  who  wishes  to 
CHEAT  a  State,  or  ROB  her  treasury,  to  have  at  his  back  a  secretary 
who  would  do  just  as  he  might  be  bid."  State  Register,  September  7,  1839. 

42The  special  session  met  November  23,  and  adjourned  December  5. 
This  seems  to  have  been  the  only  time  in  Illinois  history  when  a  special 
session  preceded  a  regular  session  of  the  General  Assembly.  It  is  held 
in  some  quarters  at  the  present  time  that  such  could  not  be  legally  done 
under  the  Constitution  of  1870.  There  is  no  evidence  at  hand  to  show  that 
there  was  any  doubt  as  to  the  legality  of  such  an  act  in  1840. 

"Ewing,  46  (including  Lincoln's  vote)  ;  Lincoln,  36  (including  Ewing's 
vote)  ;  nine  members  not  present  (5  Democrats,  4  Whigs). 


83]  HARRISON  AND  TYLER  83 

on  party  lines.44  The  two  weeks'  special  session  was  taken  up 
in  devising  ways  to  minimize  the  evils  resulting  from  the  suspen- 
sion of  specie  payments  and  from  a  depreciated  bank  currency. 
In  spite  of  the  fact  that  a  Democratic  legislature  had  chartered 
the  two  state  banks,45  the  State  Bank  of  Illinois,  and  the  Bank 
of  Illinois,  that  party  now  turned  its  fury  upon  these  institu- 
tions, not  because  it,  as  a  party,  was  opposed  to  state  banks  in 
general,  but  rather  because  it  claimed,  and  with  some  justice, 
that  from  the  beginning  both  banks  had  been  administered  by 
Whig  officials  to  the  detriment  of  the  Democratic  party  as  an 
organization,  and  to  its  members  as  individuals.  A  law  of 
1839-40  had  authorized  the  suspension  of  specie  payment  until 
the  adjournment  of  the  next  session  of  the  General  Assembly, 
provided  no  legislation  was  enacted  upon  the  matter  during  that 
session;  and  in  an  attempt  to  continue  a  legalized  suspension 
into  the  year  1841  the  Whig  members  of  both  houses  concerted 
to  prevent  sine  die  adjournment  of  the  special  session.  In  order 
to  carry  out  their  designs  many  of  both  houses  not  only  absented 
themselves  during  the  last  day  of  the  session  in  the  hope  that 
adjournment  would  be  prevented  by  lack  of  a  quorum,  but  also 
a  few  of  the  senators  went  to  the  extreme  of  threatening  the 
sergeant-of-arms  of  the  senate  with  bodily  injury  should  he 
attempt  to  serve  warrants  in  an  effort  to  compel  attendance.46 

•"Democratic,  26;  old  members,  12;  new  members,  14;  Whig,  14;  old 
members,  9;  new  members,  5. 

45"At  the  last  session  of  the  Legislature  of  this  State,  the  proposition 
to  create  the  present  bank  was  brought  forward  by  the  friends  of  the 
administration.  .  .  This  favor  [government  deposits]  it  is  thought  our 
State  has  some  reason  to  expect;  she  has  always  been  foremost  in  sustain- 
ing the  measures  of  the  administration."  N.  L.  May  to  L.  Woodbury, 
July  20,  1835  (Committee  Reports)  (U.  S.),  1836-37,  III.,  608.  See  also 
Ohio  News  (Hillsborough,  Ohio),  September  13,  1839;  State  Register, 
September  14,  1839. 

"Joseph  Gillespie  in  his  Recollections  says  that  Lincoln  and  others 
leaped  from  a  window  in  order  to  break  a  quorum  in  the  house.  Mr. 
Gillespie  is  supported  in  his  statement  by  the  editor  of  the  State  Register, 
(See  issue  of  December  n,  1840)  who  states  emphatically  that  he  was  an 
eye  witness  of  the  occurrence.  According  to  the  House  Journal,  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  present  and  voting  on  the  question  of  adjournment.  The 
editor  referred  to  above  makes  a  similar  statement.  One  wonders  why 
Mr.  Lincoln  leaped  after  voting.  If  he  leaped  before  voting  did  the 
house  clerk  with  or  without  the  knowledge  of  the  speaker  make  the 


84  THE   ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [84 

Of  the  legislation  enacted  during  the  regular  session  of  the 
General  Assembly  which  convened  December  7,  1840,  two  acts 
deserve  special  mention  on  account  of  their  political  significance. 
Despite  the  hostile  attitude  of  the  Democrats  as  a  party  toward 
the  state  banks,  a  sufficient  number  of  members  of  that  party 
united  with  the  Whigs  to  give  a  new  lease  of  life  to  those  institu- 
tions, by  allowing  them  to  continue  the  suspension  of  specie 
payments,  to  issue  notes  of  small  denomination,  and  to  charge 
an  interest  rate  of  nine  per  cent  on  notes  of  a  certain  nature.47 

The  Democrats  very  generally  believed  that  the  supreme 
court,  which  was  composed  of  three  Whigs  and  one  Democrat, 
was  partisan  in  its  decisions,  and  because  of  this  belief  they 
determined  to  change  the  political  complexion  of  that  tribunal 
by  appointing  a  sufficient  number  of  new  judges  to  make  it 
Democratic.  The  enacting  of  such  legislation  was  prolific  of  the 
most  bitter  political  quarrels.  Mr.  McClernand,  of  the  house, 
declared  emphatically  that  the  court  had  been  prevented  from 
giving  a  decision  hostile  to  the  foreign  vote  at  the  previous  June 
term  only  by  a  technicality,  but  this  charge  was  denied  by  all 
the  judges.  In  addition,  he  produced  evidence  of  a  more  or 
less  questionable  character  to  prove  that  the  decision  of  the 
court  sustaining  Field  in  his  refusal  to  give  up  the  secretary's 
office  was  made  upon  the  basis  of  political  expediency.  Other 
Democrats  made  long  and  acrimonious  speeches  in  which  the 
Whig  party  in  general  and  the  Whig  members  of  the  Supreme 
Court  in  particular  were  the  object  of  bitter  attack.  It  must 
not  be  thought,  however,  that  the  Whigs  were  either  intimidated 
or  convinced  of  their  error  in  opposing  a  reform  of  the  judiciary. 

journal  show  that  he  was  present?  These  and  many  other  questions  arise 
in  connection  with  the  episode  and  deserve  attention  at  the  hands  of  local 
historians.  See  State  Register,  December  u,  18,  25,  (issued  December  23 
but  bearing  the  date  25)  ;  House  Journal,  1840-1,  p.  80;  Senate  Journal, 
1840-1,  pp.  47-8;  Ford,  History  of  Illinois,  226;  Moses,  Illinois  Historical 
and  Statistical,  I.,  442.  On  Sunday,  December  6,  the  day  after  the  incident 
referred  to,  Dr.  William  Fithian,  who  was  at  the  time  a  member  of  the 
General  Assembly  and  an  eye  witness,  wrote  to  a  friend  at  Danville,  giving 
minutely  a  description  of  the  scenes  enacted  in  the  two  houses,  but  he 
said  nothing  about  Lincoln  jumping  from  the  window  in  an  attempt  to 
break  a  quorum.  See  W.  Fithian  to  A.  Williams,  December  6,  1840. 
( Williams- Woodbury  MSS.) 

47 Laws  of  Illinois,  1840-1,  p.  40  ff.    For  protest  by  certain  Democrats 
against  its  passage  see  House  Journal,  1840-1,  p.  538  ff. 


85]  HARRISON  AND  TYLER  85 

Led  in  the  house  by  Lincoln,  Hardin,  Archer,  Gillespie,  and 
Webb,  and  in  the  senate  by  Baker,  Churchill,  Cullom,  and 
Davidson,  the  struggle  was  carried  on  against  an  uncompromis- 
ing majority;  and  a  study  of  the  speeches  delivered  by  the 
leaders  of  each  party,  and  reported  verbatim  in  the  Springfield 
newspapers,  leaves  the  impression  that  open  hostilities  were 
narrowly  avoided.48 

The  judiciary  reform  bill,49  which  provided  for  the  abolition 
of  the  office  of  circuit  judge,  and  for  the  election  of  five  addi- 
tional supreme  judges  by  the  General  Asembly,  passed  by  a 
large  majority  in  the  senate,  and  by  a  vote  of  45  to  43  in  the 
house.  Every  Whig  present  voted  against  its  passage,  while 
Gatewood,  Slocum  and  Warren  of  the  senate,  and  Able,  Black- 
man,  Dougherty,  and  Hicks  of  the  house,  all  Democrats,  voted 
with  the  Whigs.50  The  Council  of  Revision,  which  was  composed 
of  the  governor,  and  justices  of  the  Supreme  Court,  refused  its 
assent  to  the  bill,51  but  the  dominant  party,  not  to  be  thwarted 
in  its  desires  by  the  very  body  that  it  was  trying  to  reform, 
passed  the  bill  over  the  veto,  Mr.  Lincoln  and  thirty-four  other 
members  of  the  house  entering  upon  the  Journal  their  protest 
against  its  passage.52 

48There  are  indications  that  this  contest  over  the  judiciary  gave 
opportunity  for  many  members  of  the  General  Assembly  to  express  their 
contempt  for  political  opponents.  The  lie  was  repeatedly  given,  and  an 
invitation  to  settle  differences  according  to  the  code  of  honor  would  have 
occasioned  no  surprise,  in  fact  it  seems  to  have  been  expected  in  some 
quarters.  See  Sangamo  Journal,  State  Register,  Alton  Telegraph,  Chicago 
Democrat,  and  Quincy  Whig  for  months  of  December,  1840,  and  January, 
1841. 

49Called  "puppy  court"  bill  in  derision.  See  Illinois  Republican, 
February  27,  1841. 

50Senate  Journal,  1840-1,  p.  148  ff . ;  House  Journal,  1840-1,  p.  311. 

61For  opinions  of  the  judges  on  the  constitutionality  of  the  bill,  see 
Senate  Journal,  1840-1,  pp.  257-72.  Governor  Carlin's  opinion  is  not  given. 

B2According  to  the  constitution  of  1818,  a  majority  vote  of  the  entire 
number  of  members  elected  to  each  house  was  necessary  to  pass  a  bill 
over  the  veto  of  the  Council  of  Revision.  Such  a  majority  in  the  house 
was  46.  The  bill  had  previously  passed  by  a  vote  of  45  to  43,  but  in  the 
vote  to  pass  the  bill  over  the  veto  of  the  council  Mr.  Busey  of  Champaign, 
who  had  not  voted  when  the  bill  was  passed  the  first  time,  voted  in  the 
affirmative.  See  House  Journal,  1840-1,  pp.  266,  311.  In  Illinois  Repub- 
lican, February  27,  1841,  the  statement  is  made  that  Mr.  Busey  was  prom- 


86  THE   ILLINOIS   WHIGS  [86 

On  November  30,  1840,  Governor  Carlin  nominated  Stephen 
A.  Douglas  to  be  secretary  of  state,  and  asked  the  senate  to 
confirm  the  nomination,  which  was  done,  all  the  Whigs  voting 
in  the  negative.53  Although  Mr.  Field's  intentions  regarding  a 
judicial  contest  for  the  office  have  been  variously  interpreted, 
it  would  seem  that  he  did  not  give  up  hopes  of  being  able  to  be 
reinstated  by  the  Supreme  Court,  until  it  became  evident  that 
that  body  would  be  reorganized,  for  it  was  not  until  January  27, 
1841,  nearly  two  months  after  the  nomination  of  his  successor 
had  been  confirmed  by  the  senate,  and  after  it  was  clear  to  all 
that  the  political  complexion  of  the  judiciary  would  be  changed, 
that  he  formally  handed  his  resignation  to  the  governor.54  This 

ised  the  clerkship  of  Champaign  County  for  his  affirmative  vote  on  the 
judiciary  bill.  In  the  campaign  for  the  presidential  nomination  in  1912, 
Mr.  Roosevelt's  Columbus  (Ohio)  address  was  contrasted  with  the  above 
protest  in  order  to  show  that  he  was  out  of  harmony  with  Mr.  Lincoln's 
attitude  toward  the  sacredness  of  the  judiciary.  Considering  the  circum- 
stances surrounding  the  protest  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  it  was 
anything  more  than  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Whigs  to  put  them- 
selves decisively  on  record  against  a  measure  that  they  thought  would 
prove  unpopular  with  the  people.  See  House  Journal,  1840-1,  p.  540  (last 
paragraph).  There  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  the  Whigs  were  obstruc- 
tionists during  the  entire  session.  Their  victory  in  the  nation  in  1840 
caused  the  party  to  have  an  exalted  opinion  of  itself.  See  W.  Fithian  to 
A.  Williams,  December  6,  1840.  ( Williams- Woodbury  MSS.),  Sangamo 
Journal,  January  29,  1841.  Even  before  the  passage  of  the  Judiciary  Bill 
a  Democratic  Caucus  seems  to  have  chosen  the  five  new  judges  required 
by  the  contemplated  bill.  See  W.  Fithian  to  A.  Williams,  February  14, 
1841.  (Williams- Woodbury  MSS.) 

53Senate  Journal,  1840-1,  p.  31. 

"Field's  resignation  was  addressed  to  Governor  Carlin,  and  reads  as 
follows : 

"Sir: — I  take  this  occasion  to  tender  to  you  my  resignation  as  Secre- 
tary of  State.  This  step  is  taken,  on  my  part,  with  the  sole  view  of 
placing  my  conduct  in  a  proper  light.  It  has  been  said  since  the  confirma- 
tion of  Mr.  Douglas's  nomination,  that  I  would  still  contend  for  my  right 
to  the  office.  I  assure  you  sir,  such  a  thought  never  entered  my  mind,  and 
I  take  great  pleasure  in  saying,  that  so  far  as  your  conduct  is  concerned, 
I  left  the  office  satisfied  with  your  conduct  toward  me."  Sangamo  Journal, 
January  29,  1841 ;  State  Register,  February  5,  1841.  State  Senator  Gate- 
wood  sent  the  above  resignation  to  the  governor  with  an  accompanying 
letter  in  which  the  latter  was  taken  to  task  for  his  repeated  attempts  to 
assert  the  right  to  appoint  and  remove  officers  without  the  consent  of  the 


87]  HARRISON  AND  TYLER  87 

acquiescence  in  superior  force  and  numbers,  and  perhaps  in 
justice,  came  too  late,  however,  to  be  of  any  political  advantage 
to  the  Whigs.  Had  Field  been  willing  to  allow  his  successor  to 
be  named  two  years  before,  it  is  not  without  the  range  of  prob- 
ability that  the  Whigs  could  have  overcome  the  two  thousand 
odd  majority  against  them  in  1840,  for  his  deliberate  attempts 
to  defeat  the  will  of  the  executive  were  unpopular.55 

In  many  respects  the  year  1840  was  the  high  tide  in  the  life 
of  the  Illinois  Whigs.  It  is  true  that  they  were  beaten  in  both 
the  August  and  November  elections,  but  under  normal  circum- 
stances they  would  have  won  the  latter  and  perhaps  the  former. 
The  presence  of  the  foreign  vote  and  the  unpopularity  of  Field's 
claim  to  be  a  perpetual  state  officer  more  than  offset  the  strength 
gained  by  a  display  of  unparalleled  enthusiasm  for  a  distinctly 
western  candidate,  who  made  a  particularly  strong  appeal  to 
the  voters  of  Illinois.  Especially  was  this  true  because  of  the 
fact  that  his  opponent  was  Van  Buren.  The  latter  was  never 
popular  in  Illinois,  and  but  for  good  party  discipline  in  the 
Democratic  ranks  his  vote  would  have  been  smaller  than  it  was. 
It  would  appear  that  the  Whigs  lost  their  greatest  opportunity 
to  put  Illinois  in  the  Whig  ranks  when  they  failed  to  carry  the 
November  election.  Never  again  was  so  much  enthusiasm  dis- 
played in  any  one  campaign,  not  even  when  Clay  himself  was 
the  candidate. 

The  presidential  campaign  of  1840  was  the  high  water 
mark  in  the  history  of  the  Illinois  Whigs.  Beginning  with  the 
first  Whig  state  convention  in  1839  and  extending  over  a  period 
of  almost  a  year  to  the  November  election  of  1840,  they  displayed 
an  enthusiasm  unequalled  during  any  other  period  of  their 
history.  In  spite  of  this  enthusiasm,  howrever,  and  in  spite  of 
the  marked  ability  of  their  leaders,  they  lost  the  state  to  the 
Democrats  by  a  small  majority.  This  loss  was  caused  largely  by 
the  insistence  of  the  Whig  leaders  that  Alexander  P.  Field, 
secretary  of  state,  could  not  be  ousted  by  the  governor,  and  by 

senate.  As  soon  as  Field  resigned  his  friends  united  in  asking  President- 
elect Harrison  to  appoint  him  to  any  office  he  (Field)  might  desire.  A.  P. 
Field  to  H.  Eddy,  January  18,  1841.  (Eddy  MSS.) 

"Although  such  a  conclusion  can  never  be  more  than  speculative  and 
in  this  particular  case  may  be  erroneous,  it  was  the  opinion  of  acute  Whig 
observers  that  Field's  persistent  claim  for  place  in  an  administration  with 
which  he  was  out  of  harmony  was  detrimental  to  the  party's  interest. 


88  THE   ILLINOIS   WHIGS  [88 

widespread  feeling  that  they  were  opposed  to  the  foreign  vote. 
The  views  of  the  Whigs  in  both  cases  were  generally  unpopular 
among  the  voters. 

Neither  party  was  satisfied  with  the  outcome  of  the  election. 
The  Whigs  professed  to  believe  that  the  Democrats  had  carried 
the  state  by  fraud,  while  the  Democrats  charged  the  Whigs  with 
having  carried  the  nation  by  unscrupulous  misrepresentation 
of  the  issues  involved.  Such  was  the  feeling  among  the  leaders 
when  the  special  session  of  the  General  Assembly  convened  in 
November,  1840.  The  Whigs  were  in  the  minority,  and  follow- 
ing the  practices  of  the  preceding  session,  they  obstructed 
Democratic  legislation  whenever  possible. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

SECTIONALISM  AND  STATE  ISSUES. 
1841-1845. 

During  the  half  decade  ending  with  the  year  1845,  the 
attention  of  the  people  was  distracted  from  matters  purely 
political  by  the  pressure  of  local  issues  that  had  arisen  during 
the  late  thirties.1  The  failure  of  the  internal  improvements 
scheme,  with  the  accompanying  debt;  the  lack  of  banking 
facilities  and  an  adequate  medium  of  exchange;  the  efforts  of 
the  people  in  the  southern  counties  to  prevent  the  completion 
of  the  Illinois-Michigan  Canal  with  state  funds;  and  social  dis- 
orders, particularly  in  Hancock  and  adjoining  counties,  all  com- 
bined to  minimize  interest  in  national  politics.  These  local 
issues  brought  prominently  to  the  front  sectionalism,  which 
during  the  previous  decade  had  been  lost  in  the  hysteria  caused 
by  the  anticipation  of  the  rapid  economic  development  of  the 
state.  Even  in  the  excitement  of  the  campaign  of  1844,  the 
people  were  primarily  interested  in  those  national  issues  which 
were  most  directly  connected  with  their  own  particular  problems. 

As  soon  as  it  became  evident  that  the  finances  of  the  state 
were  in  disorder  each  party  hastened  to  disclaim  any  respon- 
sibility for  such  a  state  of  affairs.2  Although  the  Whigs  had 
never  had  a  majority  in  any  session  of  the  General  Assembly, 
they  were  charged  by  the  Democrats  with  being  responsible  for 
the  evils  that  had  overtaken  the  state  ;3  and  the  justification  for 


statement  is  based  upon  an  examination  of  newspapers  both 
Democratic  and  Whig.  Papers  printed  in  the  southern  parts  of  the  state 
gave  a  large  amount  of  space  to  the  public  debt,  those  in  the  northern 
parts  to  the  canal,  and  those  in  the  central  and  western  parts  to  the 
Mormon  question.  In  all  parts  of  the  state  a  popular  subject  for  dis- 
cussion was  repudiation. 

2For  specific  claims,  see  Quincy  Argus,  Alton  Telegraph,  Sangamo 
Journal,  and  State  Register,  for  the  months  of  August,  September,  and 
October,  1839. 

3In  the  sessions  of  1834-5  and  1836-7,  a  coalition  of  Whigs  and  anti- 
Van  Buren  Democrats  in  the  senate  outnumbered  the  Democrats. 

89 


90  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [90 

such  a  charge  lay  in  the  fact  that  the  Whig  press,  during  the 
time  when  internal  improvements  and  state  banking  seemed 
likely  to  succeed,  claimed  that  the  Whig  party  had  fathered 
the  schemes,  and  that  it  was  entitled  to  credit  for  their  initia- 
tion and  development.  Such  claims  had  been  based  primarily 
upon  the  desire  of  the  Whigs  to  gain  political  support  for  their 
activity  in  securing  what  a  great  majority  of  the  people  wanted. 
Another  reason  for  such  a  claim  was  the  ignorance  on  the  part 
of  the  press  as  to  the  political  affiliation  of  the  members  of  the 
General  Assemblies  that  had  authorized  internal  improvements 
and  state  banking.  Members  whose  political  predilections  were 
uncertain  were  claimed  or  rejected  by  either  party  depending  on 
whether  or  not  they  were  on  the  popular  side  of  legislation.4 
By  1842,  the  Democrats  possessed  a  clear  majority  in  each 
house  of  the  General  Assembly,  and  to  them  as  a  party  the 
people  rightfully  looked  for  legislation  that  would  bring  relief 
to  the  burdened  state.  In  this  they  were  handicapped  by  divi- 
sion in  their  own  ranks.5  Many  of  the  members  of  that  party 
had  no  sympathy  with  any  plan  whereby  the  state  should  pledge 
another  dollar  for  completing  the  canal,  nor  were  they  prepared 
to  agree  to  tax  the  people  in  order  that  the  interest  on  the  public 
debt  might  be  paid.  To  a  less  degree  the  Whigs  were  divided 
over  the  same  issues.  To  say  the  least  they  were  obstructionists, 
and  with  the  assistance  of  discontented  Democrats  they  presented 
a  formidable  opposition  to  any  legislation  that  might  increase 
the  popularity  of  the  Democratic  party.  Both  parties  disclaimed 
any  intention  to  support  the  principle  of  repudiation,  yet 
neither  would  agree  to  attempt  to  tax  the  people  sufficiently  to 
pay  even  the  interest  on  the  public  debt.6  Leaders  of  all  shades 

4See  Senate  Journal,  1837,  p.  97;  Sangamo  Journal,  March  23,  Sep- 
tember 27,  December  17,  1839;  State  Register,  September  14,  21,  1839; 
Ohio  News,  September  13,  1839;  T.  C.  Browne  to  H.  Eddy,  February 
i,  1838.  (Eddy  MSS.) 

8The  Democrats  were  divided  into  two  large  groups,  the  conserva- 
tives and  radicals.  The  people  in  the  extreme  southern  part  of  the  state 
were  opposed  very  generally  to  any  proposition  that  would  provide  for 
the  interest  on  the  state  debt  by  taxation.  Those  in  the  military  tract 
were  inclined  in  the  same  direction.  See  Ford,  History  of  Illinois,  305  ff . ; 
Alton  Telegraph,  January  27,  February  10,  1844;  State  Register,  and 
Times  for  December,  1843,  and  January,  1844. 

6Such  an  attitude  is  illustrated  by  the  convention  that  nominated 
Snyder  for  governor.  See  Niles'  Register,  LXIL,  274;  State  Register, 
December  17,  1841. 


91]  SECTIONALISM   AND   STATE   ISSUES  91 

of  political  belief  professed  to  regard  the  state  banks  with 
suspicion  and  contempt,  yet  none  of  them  could  deny  that  these 
institutions  had  suffered  irreparable  damage  from  having  been 
drawn  into  party  politics.  Under  such  circumstances  it  is  sur- 
prising that  the  General  Assembly  legislated  as  well  as  it  did. 
Many  of  its  members  followed  a  policy  of  sacrificing  the  interests 
of  the  whole  state  for  the  benefit  of  a  section,  while  others 
embraced  the  opportunity  of  catering  to  a  narrow  sectional 
feeling  in  order  to  increase  their  own  political  prestige. 

The  issues  upon  which  the  gubernatorial  campaign  of  1842 
were  joined  were  colorless,  to  say  the  least.7  Neither  party  had 
a  program,  and  the  tocsin  of  battle  was  scarcely  more  than  a 
reverberation  from  the  clash  of  1840.8  The  Democrats,  strictly 
orthodox,  held  a  convention  and  chose  Adam  W.  Snyder  of 
St.  Clair  County,  as  their  standard  bearer.9  A  majority  of  the 
Whigs  appear  to  have  desired  a  nominating  convention,  and 
one  was  actually  called,  but  feeling  it  unwise  to  allow  the  clash- 
ing elements  from  the  northern  and  southern  parts  of  the  state 
to  meet  and  air  their  grievances  to  the  delight  of  the  Democrats, 
Lincoln,  Davidson,  Thornton  and  other  prospective  candidates 
withdrew  their  claims,  leaving  the  field  to  ex-Governor  Duncan, 
who  was  chosen  by  common  consent  as  the  Whig  candidate  for 
governor.10  In  May,  1842,  Snyder  died,  and  a  little  later 

7According  to  a  newspaper  report  Duncan  outlined  his  policies  to  a 
committee  of  Coles  County  citizens  as  folllows:  (i) -opposed  to  sale  of 
state  bonds  to  complete  the  canal;  (2)  took  a  stand  against  the  issuance 
of  bonds  for  any  purpose;  (3)  opposed  the  payment  of  interest  on  public 
debt  by  direct  taxation;  (4)  declared  for  completion  of  canal,  and  gave 
it  as  his  opinion  that  it  ought  to  be  completed  by  the  National  govern- 
ment. See  Illinois  Republican,  March  26,  1842. 

8Ford,  History  of  Illinois,  291.  The  only  additional  issue  of  any 
note  was  Tylerism.  On  the  whole  the  questions  discussed  in  the  cam- 
paign of  1840  were  raised  to  the  exclusion  of  all  others,  with  the  excep- 
tion that  the  abuse  heaped  upon  Harrison  two  years  before  was  omitted. 

9Snyder,  Adam  W.  Snyder  in  Illinois  History,  384-5 ;  State  Register, 
December  17,  1841. 

10For  information  concerning  the  call  for  a  convention  and  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  various  candidates,  see  Illinois  Republican,  October  30, 
November  27,  1841,  March  26,  May  7,  1842;  Sanganto  Journal,  May  21, 
June  ii,  August  i,  October  22,  December  3,  1841;  Alton  Telegraph, 
October  and  November,  1841,  May  13,  1843;  W.  H.  Davidson  to  H.  Eddy, 
June  30,  1841;  O.  H.  Browning  to  H.  Eddy,  November  8,  1841,  (Eddy 
MSS.)  ;  Thompson,  op.  cit.  177  ff. 


92  THE   ILLINOIS   WHIGS  [92 

Thomas  Ford  of  Ogle  County,  who  was  a  half-brother  of  George 
Forquer,  a  close  friend  of  Governor  Edwards,  and  at  the  time 
of  his  nomination  a  judge  of  the  State  Supreme  Court,  was 
chosen  in  his  stead.11  Both  candidates  professed  to  believe 
that  provision  ought  to  be  made  for  paying  the  state  debt,  but 
neither  did  nor  could  make  any  definite  promise  of  procedure 
in  case  of  election.  In  the  southern  parts  of  the  state  Ford 
was  accused  of  wishing  to  cede  to  Wisconsin  the  territory  lying 
in  the  fourteen  northernmost  counties  of  Illinois ;  in  the  northern 
part  the  Whigs  kept  alive  a  story  to  the  effect  that  he  opposed 
the  completion  of  the  Illinois-Michigan  Canal.12  Duncan  was 
an  old  campaigner,  never  having  lost  a  political  battle  up  to 
this  time.  It  must  be  said,  however,  that  despite  his  sterling 
qualities,  he  was  less  popular  than  he  had  been  before  he  became 
governor  in  1834.  In  addition  there  was  the  unfounded  report 
that  he  was  indirectly  responsible  for  certain  defalcations  that 
a  member  of  his  family  had  made.13  The  Mormons  declared 
for  Snyder,  and  afterwards  for  Ford.  This  declaration  the 
Whigs  attempted  to  use  as  capital  for  securing  the  anti-Mormon 
vote.14  The  election  was  a  Democratic  victory;  Ford  was 
elected  by  a  majority  of  only  a  little  less  than  eight  thousand, 
and  the  General  Assembly  was  safely  Democratic. 

Carlin's  administration  as  governor  had  been  both  unpopular 
and  weak.  He  had  taken  office  just  as  the  internal  improve- 
ments and  banking  bubbles  were  breaking.  Had  he  been  a 
popular  leader  results  might  have  been  different.  The  party 
was  divided  over  both  local  and  national  issues;  young  and 
enthusiastic  partisans  like  Douglas,  Trumbull,  McClernand,  and 
William  "Jeff"  Gate  wood  had  little  regard  for  precedents  and 
past  performances.  In  addition  the  governor  had  been  compelled 
to  carry  on  a  long  and  acrimonious  struggle  with  the  senate  over 
the  appointment  of  a  secretary  of  state.15  The  legislative  branch 
of  government,  while  it  included  in  its  ranks  men  of  ability 
and  statesmanlike  qualities,  had  spent  a  great  part  of  its  time  in 

™State  Register,  June  10,  1842. 

12Greene  and  Thompson,  Governors'  Letter-Books,  II.,  xxxvi. 

"Duncan's  brother-in-law,  William  J.  Linn,  defaulted  to  the  United 
States  for  a  considerable  sum  of  money.  Duncan  was  his  bondsman  and 
in  settling  with  the  government  he  lost  almost  all  his  large  fortune. 

"See  Illinois  Republican,  April  2,  1842. 

"See  ante  80  ff.  for  history  of  the  struggle. 


93]  SECTIONALISM   AND   STATE   ISSUES  93 

jockeying  for  position  in  future  political  races.  Throughout 
the  entire  four  years  of  Carlin's  administration  scarcely  a  single 
enactment  had  looked  forward  to  an  amelioration  of  conditions. 
Instead  of  making  an  attempt  to  put  a  stop  to  useless  expendi- 
tures, and  to  provide  for  the  payment  of  interest  on  the  state 
debt  by  some  sort  of  taxation,  the  members  of  the  General 
Assembly  had  openly  countenanced  a  policy  of  borrowing  still 
larger  sums,  the  greater  part  of  which  had  gone  to  pay  interest. 
Accordingly  the  public  debt  had  mounted  higher  and  higher  until 
the  annual  interest  charges  exceeded  a  half-million,  while  the 
ordinary  annual  expenses  of  conducting  the  state  government 
exceeded  the  income  from  taxation  by  something  like  forty 
thousand  dollars.16  The  banks,  which  had  been  established  with 
the  idea  of  furnishing  a  sound  and  adequate  medium  of  ex- 
change, were  in  a  precarious  condition.17  Their  bills  were 
worth  less  than  face  value  and  were  unacceptable  to  tax  col- 
lectors;18 and  there  was  scarcely  a  half -million  dollars  of  good 
money  in  the  hands  of  the  people.19 

The  Thirteenth  General  Assembly  met  December  5,  1842. 
If  all  the  members  of  the  senate,  several  of  whom  were  subse- 
quently unseated,  be  counted,  thirty-two  were  Democrats  and 
fourteen  Whigs.20  Of  the  one  hundred  and  twenty-one  members 
of  the  House,  the  Democrats  numbered  eighty-four,  the  Whigs 

16The  state  debt  in  December,  1842,  is  given  by  the  House  Finance 
Committee  as  $12,328,096.69,  to  which  should  be  added  the  amount  due 
the  United  States  government  and  the  amount  of  state  bonds  held  by 
the  two  state  banks,  making  in  all  $15,471,895.69.  See  also  London  Times, 
December  8,  1842;  Senate  Journal,  1842-3,  p.  22-23;  House  Journal,  1840-1, 
p.  20  ff.,  1842-3,  p.  16  ff. ;  Moses,  Illinois  Historical  and  Statistical,  I., 
52-3 ;  Greene  and  Thompson,  Governors'  Letter-Books,  II.,  liii. 

17After  suspension  of  specie  payments  soon  after  they  opened  their 
doors,  the  banks  finally  suspended  operation  in  1842.  Greene  and  Thomp- 
son, Governors'  Letter-Books,  II.,  xliii;  Dowrie,  Development  of  Banking 
in  Illinois,  104  passim. 

^Senate  Journal,  1842-3,  p.  19;  Niles'  Register,  LXIII.,  67,  165. 

19House  Journal,  1842-3,  p.  44. 

20The  apportionment  act  of  1841  provided  for  forty-one  senators  and 
one  hundred  and  twenty-one  representatives.  Altogether  as  many  as 
forty-six  senators  took  part  at  some  time  during  the  session.  Four  were 
unseated,  one  of  whom  was  re-elected  during  the  session  to  fill  an 
unexpired  term  of  a  member  who  had  resigned. 


94  THE   ILLINOIS   WHIGS  [94 

thirty-seven.21  Thus  on  joint  ballot  the  Whigs  were  outnum- 
bered more  than  two  to  one.  As  was  to  be  expected,  both  houses 
were  organized  on  strict  party  lines.  Other  than  the  election 
of  a  United  States  senator  and  various  state  officers,  all  of  whom 
were  Democratic,  the  General  Assembly  gave  comparatively 
little  attention  to  matters  of  a  purely  political  nature.  The 
messages  of  both  the  outgoing  and  incoming  governors  laid 
stress  upon  the  necessity  of  immediate  legislation  regarding 
the  public  debt,  the  state  banks,  and  the  canal.  In  his  valedic- 
tory message  Carlin  made  a  vicious  attack  upon  the  banks,  and 
the  attack  was  received  with  unveiled  satisfaction  by  that 
element  of  the  Democratic  party  which  was  determined  to 
destroy  what  it  called  nests  of  Whigism.22  Ford  took  a  con- 
ciliatory attitude.  He  pointed  out  the  desirability  of  putting 
both  banks  into  liquidation  with  the  least  possible  delay,  keep- 
ing in  mind,  however,  that  those  institutions  had  certain  rights 
and  privileges  which  must  be  respected.  Ford  was  supported 
in  his  attitude  by  a  majority  of  his  own  party.  The  Whigs 
were  inclined  not  to  commit  themselves,  preferring  to  await 
developments.  They  had  sectional  interests  to  protect,  but  what 
was  far  more  important  to  them  as  a  party,  they  were  in  a 
position  to  throw  their  weight  where  it  would  count  most. 
They  hoped  that  the  majority  would  hopelessly  split  over  a  bank 
bill,  with  the  result  that  they  would  hold  a  balance  of  power. 
The  governor  himself  drew  up  a  bank  bill  putting  the  State 
Bank  into  liquidation.28  In  the  house  the  measure  passed  by  an 
almost  unanimous  vote,  but  four  members,  all  Democrats,  voting 

21If  a  contemporary  newspaper  account  can  be  relied  upon,  the 
General  Assembly  contained  113  farmers,  18  lawyers,  8  mechanics,  6 
physicians  and  2  clergymen.  The  same  source  distributes  their  nativity 
as  follows:  Kentucky  32,  Virginia  25,  New  York  13,  Tennessee  n, 
Massachusetts  10,  Pennsylvania  10,  North  Carolina  10,  South  Carolina  8, 
Ohio  6,  Maryland  5,  New  Jersey  5,  Connecticut  5,  Georgia  3,  Maine  3, 
New  Hampshire  3,  Indiana  3,  Illinois  3,  Missouri  2,  Alabama  i,  England 
2,  Ireland  2,  Germany  2. — Alton  Telegraph,  January  28,  1843. 

22It  is  safe  to  say  that  a  majority  of  the  officers  and  directors  of 
both  banks  were  Whig.  It  was  charged,  however,  and  there  seems  to  be 
some  truth  in  the  charge,  that  the  banks  supported  Ford  in  1842.  See 
Alton  Telegraph,  April  i,  1843.  Reports  of  Committee  (U.  S.),  1836-37, 
III.,  610  passim. 

"Ford,  History  of  Illinois,  303. 


95]  SECTIONALISM   AND   STATE   ISSUES  95 

in  the  negative.24  During  the  twelve  days'  interval  between 
the  passage  of  the  bill  by  the  house  and  a  vote  upon  it  in  the 
senate,  its  opponents  were  active  both  within  and  without  the 
senate  chamber.  Lyman  Trumbull  became  so  active  in  his  oppo- 
sition that  the  governor  subsequently  removed  him  from  the 
office  of  secretary  of  state.  Despite  the  efforts  of  the  anti-bank 
Democrats,  the  bank  bill,  which  was  a  compromise  measure, 
passed  the  senate  by  a  vote  of  twenty-five  to  thirteen.  It  was 
passed  on  sectional  rather  than  on  political  lines.25  Of  the 
affirmative  votes  ten  were  Whig  and  fifteen  Democratic,  and 
two  "Whigs  only  voted  in  the  negative.28  The  Bank  of  Illinois 
was  likewise  authorized  to  liquidate,27  and  with  the  severance 
of  the  relations  between  the  state  and  the  state  banks  the  public 
debt  was  automatically  reduced  more  than  three  million  dollars. 
A  much  larger  question,  one  that  involved  the  banks  and  a 
great  deal  besides,  was  the  state  debt.  Since  July  1,  1841,  no 
interest  had  been  paid  upon  it.28  The  reason  for  non-payment 
of  both  principal  and  interest  was  based  upon  neither  disinclina- 
tion to  pay  nor  dishonesty.  The  debt  was  more  than  twelve 
million  dollars,  and  the  interest  only  a  little  less  than  three- 
quarters  of  a  million  a  year.  Ordinary  state  revenues  did  not 
even  suffice  to  pay  the  ordinary  expenses  of  carrying  on  the 
state  government.  A  tax  adequate  to  pay  the  interest  charges 
was  simply  out  of  the  question,  not  only  because  the  people 

2*Ames  of  Boone,  Bell  of  Marshall,  Brinkley  of  Hamilton,  and  Loy 
of  Fayette.  See  House  Journal,  1842-3,  p.  135,  for  vote. 

25Those  opposing  the  bank  bill  were  from  the  counties  in  the  south- 
western part  of  the  state,  a  few  scattered  counties  in  the  central  part, 
Adams  and  Hancock  in  the  Military  District,  and  a  group  in  the  extreme 
northern  part  consisting  of  McHenry,  Boone,  Kane,  and  DeKalb. 

28Henry  of  Morgan ;  and  Waters  of  Pope,  Hardin,  and  Johnson. 
Allowing  the  banks  to  liquidate  was  favored  by  Whigs,  who,  however, 
were  opposed  to  having  the  bank  charters  repealed  in  such  a  way  as  to 
jeopardize  the  interests  of  the  creditors  and  stockholders  of  the  banks. 
George  T.  M.  Davis  expressed  himself  as  follows :  "But  what  has  justly 
astonished  this  whole  community,  is,  that  Mr.  Jonas,  a  leading  Whig  in 
the  House,  should  introduce  a  minority  report  approving  of  the  repeal 
of  the  Charter  of  the  Bank."  Alton  Telegraph,  January  28,  1843. 

-''Laws  of  Illinois,  1842-3;,  p.  27  ff. ;  State  Register,  March  24,  1843. 
See  also  Alton  Telegraph,  April  i,  1843. 

28Six  months  before  it  was  freely  predicted  that  the  July  interest 
would  not  be  paid.  G.  Churchill  to  G.  Flagg,  January  2,  1841.  (Flagg 
MSS.} 


96  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [96 

would  not  but  because  they  could  not  have  borne  it.29  The 
simplest  calculation  shows  that  such  tax  would  have  been  rank 
confiscation.  Repudiation  was  in  the  air.  In  many  sections  it 
was  openly  countenanced,  in  others  disguised.  Newspapers  of 
both  parties  pretended  to  be  horrified  at  the  possibility  of  repudi- 
ation, but  not  a  single  one  of  them  could  offer  definite  plans  for 
bringing  relief.  Positive  repudiation,  it  has  often  been  said,  was 
held  in  check  only  by  the  fear  of  civic  disgrace.  European  and 
eastern  papers  kept  dinning  in  the  ears  of  the  people  the  dolorous 
results  that  would  come  from  a  declaration  of  repudiation,  but 
they  failed  to  censure  the  methods  used  by  bond  buyers  and 
capitalists  in  getting  state  bonds  at  a  moiety  of  their  face  value.30 
Yet  upon  no  grounds  of  common  honesty  could  a  declaration  of 
repudiation  have  been  justified,  and  it  seems  that  a  majority  was 
opposed  to  such  a  course  despite  the  fact  that  the  state  had 
been  swindled  out  of  millions  through  bad  management  on  the 
part  of  her  own  citizens,  as  well  as  of  supposedly  trustworthy 
agents  in  the  East  and  Europe. 

There  was  a  general  feeling  among  the  lawmakers  that  the 
time  was  not  ripe  for  increasing  state  taxes  to  the  point  where 
any  considerable  part  of  the  interest  charges  could  be  provided 
for.  Leaders  of  neither  party  had  the  courage  to  advocate 
such  a  proposition.  They  contented  themselves  with  declara- 
tions of  honesty  and  good  faith,  both  on  their  own  account  and 
on  account  of  the  people,  but  they  had  nothing  to  offer  the 
creditors  in  the  way  of  current  funds  or  salable  securities.31 

29Amount  of  taxable  property  in  1841,  $69,831419;  state  tax  thirty 
cents  on  the  hundred  dollars.  To  pay  the  interest  charges  alone  would 
have  required  a  tax  rate  of  something  like  one  dollar  and  fifty  cents  on 
the  hundred  dollars.  See  Illinois  Reports,  1842-3,  (Senate)  p.  25. 

80For  typical  article  see  London  Times,  December  8,  1842. 

81To  draw  a  line  and  place  on  one  side  all  the  repudiators  and  upon 
the  other  all  who  opposed  repudiation  is  impossible.  Repudiation  had  a 
variety  of  meanings  depending  upon  the  person  using  the  word.  It  seems 
safe  to  say  that  Ford  overdrew  matters  when  he  said  that  he  could  have 
led  a  majority  of  the  people  to  the  point  where  they  would  have  refused 
to  pay  the  state  debt.  At  a  Whig  convention  held  at  Springfield  in 
December,  1842,  the  following  resolution  was  passed :  "Resolved,  That 
justice  to  all  men,  and  inviolability  of  public  faith,  and  cardinal  principles 
of  the  Whig  party,  and  this  convention,  in  the  name  of  the  Whig  party 
of  this  state,  repudiate  the  doctrine  of  repudiation."  Sangamo  Journal, 
December  14,  1842.  Alton  Telegraph,  December  23,  1843.  For  other  press 


97]  SECTIONALISM   AND   STATE   ISSUES  97 

Those  most  enthusiastic  in  assuring  the  creditors  of  the  state 
that  they  would  eventually  be  paid  represented  counties  on  or 
near  the  incompleted  canal.  These  members  were  not  a  whit 
more  honest  than  those  from  other  sections ;  they  merely  realized 
that  some  adequate  provision  must  be  made  to  pay  the  state 
debt  before  money  for  completing  the  canal  could  be  secured; 
and  in  an  attempt  to  gain  for  their  local  constituencies  the 
advantages  arising  from  a  completed  canal  they  opposed  repudia- 
tion at  every  step,  and  thereby  gained  for  themselves  the  reputa- 
tion of  possessing  more  civic  honesty  than  their  colleagues  fronL 
the  southern  and  eastern  counties.  In  the  end  nothing  came 
of  the  several  attempts  to  provide  for  delinquent  and  current 
interest  charges,  and  the  friends  of  the  canal  had  to  content 
themselves  for  another  two  years  with  nothing  more  substantial 
to  offer  to  the  creditors  than  declarations  of  honesty  and  good 
faith. 

By  1842,  even  the  most  optimistic  friends  of  the  canal  were 
convinced  that  it  could  not  be  completed  according  to  original 
plans,  hence  there  was  a  widespread  demand  for  its  completion 
within  more  modest  dimensions.  Such  a  change  was  not  only 
advisable  because  the  canal  would  be  more  rapidly  finished,  but 
it  was  almost  absolutely  necessary  in  order  to  reduce  the  amount 
of  money  to  be  borrowed  from  the  creditors  for  its  completion. 
The  Canal  Bill  of  1843  provided  for  turning  over  the  canal  and 
its  appurtances  to  the  bond  holders  on  condition  that  they  ad- 
vance $1,600,000  for  its  completion.32  In  the  senate,  party  lines 
seem  not  to  have  been  drawn;  the  vote  was  strikingly  sectional. 
Of  the  eleven  Whig  members  voting,  six  supported  and  five 
opposed  the  measure;  while  of  the  twenty-nine  Democrats 
voting,  sixteen  supported  and  thirteen  opposed.33  The  principal 
opposition  to  the  bill  was  by  members  from  the  southern  and 
southeastern  counties;  its  support  came  from  Sangamon  and 
adjoining  counties,  and  from  the  counties  north  and  west  of 
the  Illinois  Eiver.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  senators  from 
three  districts  bordering  on  the  Illinois  River  were  opposed  to 
the  measure ;  one  was  from  Morgan,  one  from  Morgan  and  Scott, 

opinion  on  the  subject,  see  Quincy  Herald,  March  3,  1843;  Chicago 
Express,  December  30,  1843;  Alton  Telegraph,  January  7,  14,  February  n, 
1843;  Sangamo  Journal,  May  14,  1841. 

32Laws  of  Illinois,  1842-3,  p.  54  ff. 

33Senate  Journal,  1842-3,  p.  383. 


98  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [98 

the  third  from  the  district  composed  of  Morgan,  Menard,  and 
Logan  counties.34  But  one  senator  north  and  west  of  the  river, 
Ralston,  Democrat,  of  Adams  County,  voted  against  the  bill. 
In  the  house  similar  lines  were  drawn.  The  sixty-seven  sup- 
porters of  the  measure  were  composed  of  fifty-two  Democrats 
and  fifteen  Whigs;  of  the  thirty-seven  in  opposition  seventeen 
were  Whigs  and  twenty  Democrats.35  Sectional  jealousies  crop- 
ped out  as  they  had  in  the  senate.  The  bulk  of  the  opposition 
was  from  the  southern  counties,  from  those  lying  on  and  near 
the  Indiana  line,  and  from  certain  sections  of  the  Military  Dis- 
trict. Here  and  there  one  sees  what  appears  to  be  a  desire  in 
certain  sections  to  keep  others  from  surpassing  them  in  economic 
development.36  The  representatives  and  senators  from  districts 
situated  along  the  upper  and  middle  valley  of  the  Illinois  River 
voted  consistently  for  completing  the  canal,  while  those  from 
farther  down  the  stream  opposed  it.  The  latter  had  an  outlet  for 
their  surplus  products,  and  seemed  to  concern  themselves  little 
with  the  development  of  the  counties  farther  to  the  north.  The 
attitude  in  the  extreme  southern  sections  is  more  easily  explained. 
They  had  never  favored  a  canal,  because,  so  they  said,  it  would 
not  only  be  of  no  direct  benefit  to  them  but  it  would  open  up  an 
avenue  for  a  flood  of  tricky  Yankees  to  pour  into  the  state.37 

"John  Henry  (Whig),  T.  M.  Kilpatrick  (Whig),  and  Lewis  B. 
Wynne  (Democrat). 

z*House  Journal,  1842-3,  p.  324. 

86Of  the  three  representatives  from  Madison  County,  two  voted 
against  bill ;  of  the  five  from  Adams  County  two  did  not  vote  and  three 
voted  against  bill ;  both  representatives  from  Vermilion  voted  in  nega- 
tive; of  the  four  from  Sangamon  one  voted  for  the  bill,  one  against  and 
two  did  not  vote.  These  four  counties  perhaps  felt  the  growing  strength 
of  Chicago  more  than  any  other  counties  of  the  state.  The  counties  on 
the  lower  Illinois  dreaded  to  see  commerce  set  in  through  the  canal 
toward  Chicago.  Vermilion  and  adjoining  counties  already  felt  the 
competition  of  Chicago. 

87Almost  twenty  years  before  one  finds  the  same  attitude  regarding 
"Yankees."  In  a  communication  to  H.  Eddy,  Governor  Edwards  says  the 
friends  of  slavery  "have  been  at  heart  opposed  to  this  Illinois-Michigan 
Canal.  Some  of  them  more  bold,  but  not  more  determined  in  opposition 
than  others,  have  denounced  it  as  an  avenue  through  which  the  d-d 
Yankees  would  pour  in  upon  the  state."  N.  Edwards  to  H.  Eddy,  Com- 
munication about  August  Election,  1828.  (Eddy  MSS.)  Some  ten  years 
later  one  finds  a  similar  feeling  on  the  part  of  members  of  the  General 
Assembly  from  the  southern  part  of  the  state!  "Mr.  Hacker  from  the 


99]  SECTIONALISM   AND   STATE   ISSUES  99 

Intermingled  with  the  more  serious  affair  of  trying  to  extri- 
cate the  state  from  her  financial  difficulties,  was  another 
resembling  very  much  a  comedy.  The  Mormons,  upon  being 
driven  from  Missouri,  came  across  the  Mississippi  in  the  winter 
of  1839-40,  and  settled  in  Hancock  and  adjoining  counties.38 
Owing  to  their  numbers  and  solidarity  their  support  was  sought 
by  both  political  parties.  Joseph  Smith,  the  prophet,  and  his  fol- 
lowers were  inclined  at  first  to  favor  the  Whigs,  and  it  appears 
that  they  supported  Harrison  in  1840.  This  inclination  was  only 
natural,  for  both  the  administration  of  the  state  that  had  driven 
them  out  and  the  national  administration  that  had  refused  them 
redress  were  Democratic.  In  an  effort  to  get  redress  for  wrongs 
suffered  in  Missouri,  they  had  the  active  support  of  Senator 
Young  and  Representative  Stuart,  the  one  a  Democrat,  the  other 
a  Whig.39  When  the  General  Assembly  met  in  the  winter  of 
1840,  the  Mormons,  through  Dr.  John  C.  Bennett,  a  recent  con- 
vert, asked  for  a  charter  for  their  new  city  Nauvoo.40  In  the 
midst  of  strife  over  banks  and  judiciary  the  lawmakers  found 
time  to  grant  practically  every  request  made  of  them  by  the 
Mormons,  usually  by  a  unanimous  vote.41  Early  in  1841  the 
city  government  of  Nauvoo  was  organized  with  Dr.  Bennett  as 
mayor  and  Joseph  Smith  in  the  body  of  councillors.  Smith  had 
scarcely  become  acquainted  with  his  new  surroundings  before 
he  Began  a  remarkable  struggle  for  his  freedom  before  state  and 

select  committee  to  which  was  referred  the  petition  of  sundry  citizens 
of  the  town  of  Vandalia,  praying  relief  for  Clock  pedlars.  .  .  Report 
that  they  have  had  the  subject  under  consideration,  and  are  of  the 
opinion  that  as  the  petitioners  do  not  show  that  any  portion  of  the  State 
is  suffering  for  the  article  of  clocks,  they  can  see  no  reason  why  the 
prayer  of  the  petitioners  should  be  granted. — Senate  Journal,  1835,  p.  149. 
The  meaning  of  such  a  veiled  attack  is  seen  clearly  when  one  recalls 
that  "Yankees"  and  "Clock  pedlars"  were  looked  upon  by  many  as  one 
and  the  same. 

88A  good  account  of  the  Mormons  in  Illinois  is  to  be  found  in  Linn, 
Story  of  the  Mormons. 

files'  Register,  LVII.,  364. 

40John  C.  Bennett  became  a  general  in  the  Nauvoo  Legion  as  well 
as  the  first  mayor  of  Nauvoo.  At  about  the  time  his  term  as  mayor 
expired  he  and  Smith  disagreed  and  Bennett  went  up  and  down  the  state 
denouncing  Smith  and  his  religion. 

41See  Laws  of  Illinois,  1840-1,  index  s.  v.  Nauvoo,  Nauvoo  Legion, 
Nauvoo  University. 


100  THE   ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [100 

federal  courts.42  On  the  whole  the  bulk  of  the  people  sympa- 
thized with  him.  They  considered  him  a  much  persecuted  man, 
and  felt  that  he  and  his  followers  were  a  valuable  acquisition  to 
the  state.43  As  yet  there  seems  to  have  been  no  settled  conviction 
in  any  quarter  that  the  Mormons  were  an  undesirable  element, 
and  the  dread  that  either  party  may  have  had  of  their  opposition 
was  overshadowed  by  its  hope  for  their  support. 

In  the  congressional  election  of  1841,  the  Mormons  appar- 
ently supported  Stuart  (Whig),  but  already  a  break  appeared 
in  their  ranks,  and  with  this  break  begins  their  attempts  to  be- 
come a  deciding  factor  in  party  contests.44  By  the  beginning  of 
the  year  1843,  each  party  was  divided  over  the  proposition  to 
curtail  the  powers  granted  in  the  various  charters  given  the 
Mormons.  Such  a  proposition  recurred  from  time  to  time  in 
both  houses  of  the  General  Assembly,  and  with  the  fluctuation 
of  opinion  as  expressed  in  various  votes  recorded  in  the  Journals 
one  can  see  back  of  the  scenes  a  skilled  manipulator  in  the 
Democratic  ranks.45  Throughout  January  and  February,  1843, 
there  was  a  growing  sentiment  among  the  Democrats  against 
Smith  and  his  followers.  On  the  twenty-seventh  of  the  latter 
month  the  senate  on  a  second  reading,  by  a  vote  of  twenty-three 
to  eleven,  declared  the  Nauvoo  city  charter  revoked,48  but  on 
March  6,  the  same  body  without  recording  its  vote  refused  to 
advance  the  bill  to  a  third  reading.47  The  house  had  already 
voted  fifty-eight  to  thirty-three  to  repeal  the  more  obnoxious  sec- 
tions of  the  charter.48  Of  the  fifty-eight  affirmative  votes  forty- 
four  were  Democratic  and  fourteen  Whig,  while  eighteen  Demo- 

42Stenhouse,  Rocky  Mountain  Saints,  138;  Ford,  History  of  Illinois, 
266 ;  Greene  and  Thompson,  Governors'  Letter-Books,  II,  Ixxviii ;  Federal 
Cases,  case  No.  12,968;  Sangamo  Journal,  September  30,  1842;  Alton 
Telegraph,  January  14,  28,  February  4,  1843 ;  Quincy  Herald,  January  12, 
1843 ;  Niles'  Register,  LXIII.,  389. 

*3Niles'  Register,  LVIII.,  57,  297;  Linn,  Story  of  the  Mormons,  221; 
Ford,  History  of  Illinois,  261. 

**Hancock  County;  Stuart,  1201;  Ralston,  523;  Collins,  r.  MSS. 
Election  Returns.  (Secretary  of  State's  Office,  Springfield,  Illinois.) 

45If  the  writer  may  be  allowed  to  hazard  a  guess  he  would  say  that 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  was  the  cause  of  the  change  in  the  attitude  of  the 
Democrats  toward  the  Mormons. 

^Senate  Journal,  1842-3,  p.  446. 

"Senate  Journal,  1842-3,  p.  553. 

**House  Journal,  1842-3,  p.  528. 


101]  SECTIONALISM   AND   STATE   ISSUES  101 

crats  and  fifteen  Whigs  voted  in  the  negative.  In  the  senate 
vote  mentioned  above  nineteen  Democrats  supported  the  measure 
and  three  opposed  it.  This  would  indicate  that  the  Democrats 
were  inclined  to  be  hostile  to  the  Mormons.  Whatever  the  cause 
of  the  opposition  it  ceased  in  a  mysterious  fashion  in  the  senate 
within  the  space  of  a  few  days.  A  closer  view  of  the  situation 
may  be  got  by  an  examination  of  the  stand  taken  by  senators  and 
representatives  who  had  Mormon  constituents.  Of  the  twenty 
such  members,  fourteen  were  Democrats  and  six  Whigs.  The 
Democrats  divided  their  vote  so  that  five  of  them  favored  revok- 
ing all  or  parts  of  the  Nauvoo  charter,  four  opposed  such  revoca- 
tion, and  five  failed  to  vote.  A  similar  lack  of  unity  existed 
among  the  six  Whigs.  Two  voted  for  the  measure,  two  against 
it,  while  two  did  not  vote.  The  fact  that  the  members  voting 
were  almost  equally  divided  for  and  against  revocation,  and  that 
seven  of  the  twenty  failed  to  vote  would  indicate  that  those  in 
the  best  position  to  know  just  where  the  Mormons  stood  politically 
were  not  at  all  sure  of  their  ground. 

During  the  session  of  the  General  Assembly  under  considera- 
tion an  attempt  was  made  by  certain  members  of  the  Galena  bar 
to  impeach  Thomas  C.  Browne,  one  of  the  justices  of  the  State 
Supreme  Court.  Browne  was  a  Whig,  and  at  an  earlier  day  an 
anti-Jackson  man.  He  had  been  on  the  supreme  bench  for  more 
than  twenty  years,  and  during  that  time,  owing  to  his  persistent 
attempts  to  get  political  office,  he  had  made  many  bitter  enemies 
in  the  ranks  of  both  parties.  His  accusers  made  it  clear  that 
there  was  no  suspicion  against  his  honesty  of  purpose,  and  that 
the  charges  against  him  involved  "nothing  derogatory  to  his 
character  as  a  man  of  integrity,  but  is  founded  on  the  natural 
infirmity  and  feebleness  of  his  intellect,  and  over  which  he  has 
no  control."49  Between  December  24,  1842,  the  day  upon  which 
a  petition  was  presented  to  the  house  calling  upon  that  body  to 
investigate  the  accusation,  and  January  3,  1843,  the  date  set  for 
beginning  the  investigation,  friends  and  enemies  of  Browne 
worked  incessantly,  the  former  to  have  the  charges  dismissed 
without  a  hearing,  the  latter  to  have  them  pressed  with  undue 
severity.  On  January  4,  after  hearing  evidence,  the  committee 
of  the  whole  asked  to  be  discharged  from  further  consideration 
of  the  charges  made  against  Browne.  The  request  was  refused 
by  a  vote  of  seventy-one  to  forty.  Of  the  thirty-five  Whigs 

*9House  Journal,  1842-3,  p.  135-6. 


102  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [102 

voting,  fifteen  opposed  it.  The  next  day  the  house  declared  that 
it  would  consider  the  charges  no  farther.50  Already  on  January 
3,  the  senate  by  a  vote  of  twenty  to  seventeen,  had  declined  to 
send  a  committee  or  attend  as  a  body  at  the  investigation.  The 
Whigs  in  the  senate  were  almost  equally  divided  over  the  ques- 
tion. Seven  had  voted  to  refuse  to  accept  the  invitation  of  the 
house  to  participate  in  the  proceedings,  while  six  had  voted 
to  accept  it.51 

In  this  contest  there  seems  to  have  been  a  mixture  of  motives. 
In  all  sections  of  the  state  the  Whigs  professed  to  view  the  pro- 
ceedings as  persecution  and  proscription.  To  many  this  was 
the  beginning  of  a  solid  Democratic  judiciary.  The  Whig  press 
denounced  it  in  no  uncertain  terms,  charging  that  the  Democrats 
were  determined  to  stop  little  short  of  physical  force  to  gain 
their  ends.82  The  twenty  Whig  members  voting  in  the  house  to 
discontinue  all  investigation  voted  their  political  convictions.  A 
few  of  the  fifteen  voting  in  what  appears  to  be  opposition  to 
the  party  were  perhaps  influenced  by  their  local  constituencies, 
while  the  greater  part  of  the  fifteen  that  cast  an  apparently 
hostile  vote  to  Browne  were  doing  it  for  political  purposes. 
Lincoln  was  Browne 's  attorney,  and  his  friends,  who  in  this  case 
were  the  wheel  horses  of  the  Whig  party  and  men  of  expediency, 
wanted  nothing  better  than  to  bring  the  impeachment  proceed- 
ings before  the  senate  so  that  Lincoln  could  there  make  political 
capital  for  the  approaching  campaign.  The  only  alternative 
acceptable  to  them,  and  the  one  they  finally  agreed  to  take,  was 
an  open  acknowledgement  on  the  part  of  the  Democrats  that  they 
were  in  the  wrong  and  that  the  charges  were  baseless.  The 
Democrats  apparently  understood  the  situation,  for  as  we  have 
already  seen  they  agreed  to  drop  matters  without  further  investi- 
gation. As  had  so  often  happened  before,  the  majority  was  cir- 
cumvented by  a  few  shrewd  politicians  of  the  opposition  party 
backed  by  the  ability  and  ingenuity  of  Lincoln  and  his  close 
associates.  The  accusers  of  Judge  Browne  had  some  ground  for 
their  accusations,  and  while  it  was  perhaps  not  sufficient  to  jus- 
tify impeachment  and  conviction,  it  was  certainly  sufficient  to 

*°House  Journal,  1842-3,  pp.  in,  122,  123,  124,  125,  132,  135-6,  140-3, 
147,  149-50. 

61Senate  Journal,  1842-3,  p.  147. 

B2For  the  best  exposition  of  Whig  view  known  to  the  writer,  see 
Alton  Telegraph,  January  14,  1843. 


103]  SECTIONALISM   AND  STATE  ISSUES  103 

justify  a  more  thorough  examination  of  the  charges  than  was 
given.53 

During  the  year  and  a  half  that  intervened  before  the  next 
session  of  the  General  Assembly  the  question  of  paying  the  public 
debt  and  finishing  the  canal  were  taken  up  and  discussed,  and  the 
members  of  the  General  Assembly  elected  in  August,  1844,  knew 
much  better  the  attitude  of  their  constituents  toward  the  matters 
at  hand  than  had  their  predecessors.  Governor  Ford  had  used 
the  intervening  time  to  good  account  in  putting  the  affairs  of  the 
state  in  their  proper  light  before  the  people,54  and  in  assuring 
the  creditors  that  there  was  a  growing  sentiment  for  paying  a 
part  of  the  rapidly  accruing  interest.  His  correspondence  with 
the  holders  of  state  stock  both  in  Europe  and  in  New  York  was 
productive  of  good  results.  Besides,  he  had  sent  agents  to  meet, 
and  if  possible  to  convince,  the  creditors  that  the  undeveloped 
resources  of  the  state  would  eventually  pay  every  dollar  of  the 
debt,  and  that  the  development  of  such  resources  would  be 
brought  about  much  more  quickly  with  a  completed  canal. 

The  Mormon  problem  likewise  demanded  attention  at  the  hands 
of  the  legislature.  Since  the  adjournment  of  the  previous  session, 
many  things  had  occurred  to  make  it  advisable  that  the  problem 
be  attacked  and  solved.  During  the  congressional  election  of 
1843,  the  Mormons  had  thrown  their  strength  to  the  Democrats 
with  the  result  that  they  had  alienated  the  support  and  friend- 
ship of  the  Whigs ;  and  their  vacillation  failed  to  gain  any  sub- 
stantial support  from  the  Democrats.  The  belief  that  polygamy 
was  being  practiced  in  their  ranks  made  the  greater  part  of  the 
non-Mormon  population  in  Hancock  and  neighboring  counties 
their  most  bitter  enemies.  Events  now  ran  rapidly.  In  1844 
Smith  declared  his  candidacy  for  president  of  the  United  States.56 
Armed  opposition  to  the  sect  arose.  The  governor  went  to  the 
scene  of  conflict  with  a  military  force,  and  by  his  advice  Smith 
and  several  of  his  followers  surrendered  themselves  as  prisoners. 

53If  Judge  Browne's  ability  can  be  judged  by  his  correspondence, 
which  has  just  become  public,  one  may  say  with  a  great  deal  of  cer- 
(tainty  that  he  was  scarcely  competent  to  write  out  decisions  in  cases 
coming  before  the  highest  tribunal  in  the  state.  See  Eddy  MSS. 

54State  Register,  November  8,  1844. 

"Greene  and  Thompson,  Governors'  Letter-Books,  II.,  Ivii.,  58  passim. 

56For  a  complete  discussion  of  Smith's  candidacy,  see  Times  and 
Seasons,  February  15,  1844. 


104  THE   ILLINOIS   WHIGS  [104 

The  two  Smiths,  Joseph  and  Hyram,  were  imprisoned  in  the 
Carthage  jail  on  a  charge  of  treason,  and  a  few  days  later  were 
put  to  death  by  a  mob  of  infuriated  anti-Mormons.  Following 
this  came  assault,  arson,  and  even  murder.  State  troops  were 
called  into  the  field,  and  western  Illinois  became  an  armed  camp. 
Quiet  was  at  length  partially  restored,  but  it  was  apparent  that 
neither  party  would  rest  content  until  the  other  was  completely 
crushed.37 

Thus  the  Legislature,  when  it  met  in  December,  1844,  was 
confronted  with  a  full  program.  Added  to  the  cares  of  watching 
over  and  nursing  to  maturity  the  feeble  and  undeveloped  re- 
sources of  the  state,  was  the  necessity  of  quieting  the  disorders 
in  Hancock  and  adjoining  counties  and  of  putting  an  end  to  the 
internecine  warfare  in  that  quarter. 

The  Fourteenth  General  Assembly  was  composed  of  one 
hundred  and  nineteen  representatives  and  forty-one  senators.5* 
In  the  house  were  seventy-nine  Democrats  and  forty  Whigs,  in 
the  senate  twenty-seven  Democrats  and  fourteen  Whigs.59  Both 

5TFor  contemporary  and  later  accounts  of  the  Mormons  in  Illinois 
see  Nile*  Register,  LVIL,  320,  364  LXII.,  123,  323  LXIII.,  389,  LXIV., 
320,  336,  LXV.,  180,  354,  355,  357,  LXVI.,  311,  325,  329,  330,  LXVIL, 
68,  LXIX.,  53,  68,  416,  LXXI.,  99;  Sangamo  Journal,  August  12,  1842, 
October  n,  1844,  September  25,  October  24,  December  25,  1845;  State 
Register,  November  i,  1844,  January  10,  February  14,  August  29,  Septem- 
ber 19,  26,  October  3,  10,  1845,  May  22,  October  16,  November  6,  1846; 
Alton  Telegraph,  January  14,  28,  August  12,  1843,  July  6,  August  3,  1844, 
October  5,  12,  26,  November  9,  December  12,  1844,  February  22,  May  31, 
June  14,  July  12,  August  23,  October  4,  18,  1845,  March  14,  May  2,  1846; 
Quincy  Herald,  January  12,  1843 ;  Expositor,  June  7,  1844 ;  Neighbor, 
June  15,  1844.  Current  files  of  Missouri  Republican  and  Chicago  Demo- 
crat are  valuable  in  checking  up  other  papers.  A  good  secondary  account 
may  be  found  in  Linn,  The  Story  of  the  Mormons;  Lee,  The  Mormon 
Menace;  Gregg,  The  Prophet  of  Palmyra;  Stenhouse,  The  Rocky  Moun- 
tain Saints. 

58The  apportionment  of  1841  provided  that  there  should  be  121  mem- 
bers of  the  lower  house,  of  which  number  Adams  County  was  entitled 
to  five.  A  division  of  Adams  County  between  the  passage  of  the  law 
and  the  election  of  1844  gave  two  of  these  representatives  to  Marquette 
County,  which  was  never  organized  and  hence  did  not  elect  members  of 
the  General  Assembly.  Later  these  representatives  were  restored  to 
Adams  County.  See  Laws  of  Illinois,  1840-1,  p.  22  ff.,  1842-3,  p.  79. 

59 *  Alton  Telegraph,  August  24,  1844;  State  Register,  August  23,  1844; 
Chicago  Democrat,  September  11,  1844;  G.  Churchill  to  G.  Flagg,  Decem- 


105]  SECTIONALISM   AND   STATE   ISSUES  105 

houses  were  organized  on  party  lines,  the  "Whigs  in  the  house 
giving  a  complimentary  vote  for  speaker  to  their  brilliant  leader, 
Stephen  T.  Logan  of  Sangamon  County.  During  the  session  the 
members  took  some  interest  in  current  political  happenings. 
They  passed  resolutions  on  religious  tests  for  public  office,  on 
the  annexation  of  Texas,  on  the  occupation  of  the  Oregon  coun- 
try, on  Dorr's  Rebellion,  and  on  West  Point,  but  the  greater 
problem,  the  one  that  necessarily  occupied  a  major  portion  of 
their  time,  was  local.  This  local  problem  was  nevertheless 
important,  for  political  and  sectional  lines  cut  and  re-cut  each 
other  in  a  most  haphazard  fashion.  The  same  old  jealousies 
between  parties  and  sections  reappeared  in  the  most  out-of-the- 
way  places.  Here  were  revived  postponed  battles  between  parti- 
zans  in  the  late  presidential  struggle,  there  flared  up  and  blazed 
brightly  the  dangerous  and  seemingly  unextinguishable  fire  of, 
sectional  envy  and  hatred. 

Almost  as  soon  as  the  two  houses  were  organized  agitation 
to  repeal  the  charter  of  the  city  of  Nauvoo  developed.  Bills  to 
revoke  or  amend  the  charter  were  introduced  in  both  houses. 
The  senate  after  a  much  interrupted  consideration  of  some  two 
weeks  passed  the  revocation  measure  substantially  as  it  appears 
in  the  laws  by  a  vote  of  twenty-five  to  fourteen.60  Of  those 
voting  in  the  affirmative  sixteen  were  Democrats  and  nine  Whigs, 
in  the  negative  nine  were  Democrats  and  five  were  Whigs.  The 
Whigs  were  apparently  actuated  by  varied  motives.  Some 
wished  to  destroy  forever  Mormon  influence  and  power,  and 
considered  a  revocation  of  the  charter  of  their  capital  city  the 
most  effective  method.  Others  preferred  to  support  the  Mormons 
in  an  effort  to  hold  a  balance  of  power  between  the  opposing 

her  3,  1844.  (Flagg  MSS.)  In  this  classification  Starkweather  of  Cum- 
berland is  considered  to  be  a  Whig.  The  newspapers  were  unanimous  in 
classing  him  as  such,  and  this  supported  by  a  statement  made  to  the 
writer  by  his  daughter,  Mrs.  David  B.  Green,  of  Toledo,  Illinois,  who 
says  that  he  was  always  a  Whig,  having  held  office  in  the  East  with  that 
party,  and  that  he  continued  so  down  to  the  formation  of  the  Republican 
party  when  he  entered  that  party.  Despite  what  appears  to  be  the  best 
of  evidence  Mr.  Starkweather  almost  invariably  voted  with  the  Democrats 
on  political  measures,  and  in  1852  he  was  seriously  considered  by  them 
as  a  candidate  for  lieutenant-governor.  For  particular  votes,  see  House 
Journal,  1844-6,  pp.  5,  43,  150,  330,  341. 

60Vote  taken  December  19,  1844.    For  vote  see  Senate  Journal,  1844-5, 
p.  81.    For  law  see  Laws  of  Illinois,  1844-5,  P-  187  ff. 


106  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [106 

factions  of  the  Democratic  party.  Still  others  had  Mormon  con- 
stituents whose  friendship  was  worth  cultivating  at  the  risk 
of  alienating  the  support  of  the  anti-Mormons.  In  the  house  the 
struggle  was  more  pronounced.  Bills  varying  widely  in  their 
provisions  were  introduced,  but  all  looked  forward  to  revocation 
or  radical  modification  of  the  Nauvoo  charter.  On  January  24, 
1845,  almost  a  month  after  the  measure  had  passed  the  senate, 
the  house  concurred  in  revoking  the  charter  by  a  vote  of  seventy- 
five  to  thirty-one.81  Thirty-five  Whigs  supported  the  measure, 
and  but  two,  Harriot  of  Jersey  and  Starkweather  of  Cumber- 
land, opposed  it.62  The  Democrats  were  more  evenly  divided. 
Of  the  sixty-nine  present  and  voting  forty  voted  in  the  affirma- 
tive and  twenty-nine  in  the  negative.  An  examination  of  the 
thirty-one  negative  votes  of  both  parties  shows  a  sectional  aspect 
as  strange  as  it  is  striking.  If  the  "Jack  Mormons"  from  Han- 
cock County,  and  a  comparatively  few  scattered  members  from 
other  parts  of  the  state  be  excluded  from  consideration,  the 
opponents  of  revocation  came  from  counties  and  districts  very 
much  affected  by  rapidly  growing  urban  communities  in  which 
one  might  expect  to  find  a  wide  variance  of  religious  and  racial 
elements,  and  hence  a  considerable  degree  of  toleration.  Thus 
the  representatives  from  Cook,  DuPage,  Peoria,  Kane,  Fulton, 
and  LaSalle  counties  consistently  opposed  the  revocation  meas- 
ure.63 The  comparative  unanimity  of  the  Whigs  may  be  ac- 
counted for  by  the  fact  that  they  happened  on  the  whole  to 
represent  counties  and  districts  where  the  feeling  against  Mor- 
monism  was  exceedingly  bitter.84 

Following  the  revocation  of  the  Nauvoo  charter  an  armed 
truce  dragged  on  for  months.  At  last  open  war  broke  out  in 
and  around  Nauvoo.  Under  the  leadership  of  Brigham  Young 
and  others  of  the  Twelve,  thousands  of  the  sect  crossed  the 

61  House  Journal,  1844-5,  P-  276  ff. 

62For  a  discussion  of  Starkweather's  politics,  see  ante  p.  15,  n.  3. 

63Without  more  conclusive  proof  one  cannot  say  that  the  canal 
supporters  "swapped"  with  the  "Jack  Mormons"  and  their  friends,  but 
the  vote  for  canal  and  against  revocation  of  Nauvoo  charter  are  strikingly 
co-incident.  Of  the  thirty-one  members  in  the  house  that  voted  against 
revocation  of  the  charter,  but  one,  Starkweather  of  Cumberland,  voted 
against  the  canal  measure.  In  the  senate.  Parker  of  Clark  County  and 
Worthington  of  Pike  voted  similarly. 

•4E.g.  Madison,  Sangamon,  Knox,  Jo  Daviess,  Morgan,  Tazewell, 
McDonough,  St.  Clair,  Vermilion,  and  Coles. 


107]  SECTIONALISM   AND  STATE   ISSUES  107 

Mississippi  and  began  their  wearisome  march  to  the  westward. 
Later  an  army  under  the  command  of  "General"  Brockman 
attacked  Nauvoo,  which  surrendered  after  some  fighting.    Gov- 
ernor Ford  called  the  militia  into  the  field  and  succeeded  in 
putting  a  stop  to  hostilities.    Cooler  counsels  at  last  prevailed, 
and  with  a  promise  on  the  part  of  the  remaining  Mormons  that 
they  would  follow  their  brethren  without  delay,  the  anti-Mormon 
forces  agreed  to  peace.    So  well  was  the  agreement  carried  out, 
that  one  of  the  first  official  acts  of  Governor  French  was  an  order 
withdrawing  the  state  troops  from  the  scene  of  the  late  conflict. 
In  the  discussion  of  ways  and  means  of  paying  interest  on 
the  state  debt  by  some  sort  of  taxation,  and  of  completing  the 
canal  by  turning  it  over  with  its  property  and  appurtenances  to 
the  holders  of  canal  bonds  on  condition  that  they  complete  it, 
party  and  sectional  differences  had  full  play.    Taxing  the  people 
to  pay  interest  was  inseparably  bound  up  with  the  completion  of 
the  canal.85    Creditors  were  unwilling  to  advance  further  funds 
for  the  canal  unless  the  people  through  their  representatives 
showed  an  inclination  to  declare  their  honesty  and  good  inten- 
tions in  something  more  substantial  than  platitudinous  and  un- 
productive resolutions.    In  general,  one  finds  that  those  favoring 
one  proposition  favored  the  other,  but  on  the  part  of  the  opposi- 
tion there  was  some  diversity  of  opinion.     Unwilling  to  afford 
special  advantages  to  Chicago  and  other  towns  along  the  route 
of  the  canal,  some  were  prepared  to  support  measures  for  paying 
interest  without  canal  legislation,  others  were  willing  to  turn 
the  canal  over  to  the  holders  of  canal  bonds,  but  unwilling  to 
favor  any  measure  that  had  for  its  end  taxation,  while  the  great 
majority  in  the  opposition  was  unfriendly  to  both  measures.    In 
one  quarter  the  opposition  was  due  to  an  obstructionist  policy 
on  the  part  of  a  few  Whigs,  in  another  to  sectional  envy  and 
distrust,  and  in  still  others  to  a  feeling  that  the  state  had  been 
swindled  and  that  the  holders  of  the  bonds  were  bloated  and 
unscrupulous  capitalists  who  thrived  upon  the  meager  product 
of  the  hard  earned  labor  of  the  common  people.    When  Governor 
Davis  of  Massachusetts  and  David  Leavitt  of  New  York  visited 
Springfield  in  February,  1845,  in  the  interest  of  the  canal  project 
they  were  regarded  by  many  members  of  the  General  Assembly 
with  suspicion  and  distrust;  some  even  declared  that  they  had 
come  to  the  capital  with  the  expressed  purpose  of  dictating  to 

65G.  Churchill  to  G.  Flagg,  February  19,  1845.     (Flagg  MSS.) 


108  THE   ILLINOIS   WHIGS  [108 

the  "representatives  of  a  sovereign  state."  Actuated  by  a 
diversity  of  opinions  as  expressed  by  widely  separated  consti- 
tuencies, and  beset  with  doubts  and  suspicions,  a  great  many 
members  vacillated  between  parties,  laying  themselves  open  to 
the  charge  of  log-rolling  and  graft. 

Opposition  to  the  canal  and  interest  measures  was  not  less 
pronounced  in  the  house  than  in  the  senate,  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that  the  former  body  passed  both  measures  by  large  majorities. 
Not  having  the  original  bill  and  the  various  amendments,  some 
of  which  were  incorporated  in  the  act  that  finally  became  law, 
one  is  unable  to  determine  with  exactness  just  what  caused  the 
long  debates  over  measures  that  had  such  a  large  following. 
There  is  evidence  at  hand,  however,  to  show  that  the  opposition 
consumed  both  time  and  patience  by  offering  impossible  amend- 
ments and  by  calling  for  a  recorded  vote  at  every  opportunity. 
At  last  on  February  22,  1845,  a  bill,  after  having  been  amended 
so  as  to  gain  the  greatest  possible  number  of  supporters,  was 
passed  in  the  house  by  a  vote  of  sixty-six  to  forty-two.66  Before 
the  clerk  could  be  ordered  to  report  the  same  to  the  senate  and 
ask  their  concurrence  therein,  Mr.  Sexton  of  Gallatin  County 
moved  to  amend  the  title  of  the  bill  by  striking  it  out  and  insert- 
ing in  its  stead,  "A  bill  for  an  act  to  increase  the  state  debt;  or 
the  British  grant."  Upon  the  motion  of  Mr.  Arnold  of  Cook 
County  the  amendment  was  laid  upon  the  table.  An  amendment 
such  as  was  proposed  by  the  member  from  Gallatin,  illustrates 
clearly  the  opinion  held  by  those  who  would  have  scorned  the 
idea  of  any  attempt  on  their  part  to  reject  sound  state  policies, 
simply  because  beneficial  to  the  northern  counties;  they  con- 
sidered their  acts  to  be  based  upon  the  purest  motives,  and  felt 
that  their  colleagues  from  the  canal  district  were  influenced  in 
their  actions  by  a  selfish  desire  to  gain  advantages  for  their  own 
sections  at  the  expense  of  the  whole  state.  To  their  way  of  think- 
ing, the  members  from  Cook  and  other  northern  counties  were 
deliberately  attempting  to  increase  the  state  debt  and  to  saddle  a 
large  tax  upon  the  people,  the  corollary  of  which  was  a  grant  to 
British  bond  holders. 

**House  Journal,  1844-5,  pp.  497-8.  Of  the  sixty-six  affirmative  votes 
forty  were  Democratic  and  twenty-six  Whig;  of  the  forty-two  negative 
votes  thirty-two  were  Democratic  and  ten  Whig.  Not  a  single  repre- 
sentative from  a  strictly  southern  county,  except  Adams  of  Monroe,  voted 
in  the  affirmative. 


109]  SECTIONALISM   AND   STATE   ISSUES  109 

When  the  bill  reached  the  senate  it  met  not  more  pronounced 
but  rather  more  successful  opposition.  That  body  was  divided 
almost  equally  over  any  proposition  which  combined  completing 
the  canal  with  taxation  to  pay  interest.  As  it  eventually  turned 
out,  a  majority  favored  each  proposition  standing  alone,  and  not 
until  that  fact  was  discovered  by  the  friends  of  the  canal,  and 
a  scheme  devised  for  divorcing  the  two  propositions,  was  any 
headway  made.  When  on  February  25,  1845,  the  question  of 
ordering  the  house  bill  to  a  third  reading  was  under  considera- 
tion, Mr.  Edwards  of  Sangamon  County,  offered  an  amendment 
that  would  have  changed  the  bill  so  as  to  render  it  entirely 
unsatisfactory  to  the  creditors  of  the  state.  On  motion  of  Mr. 
Markley  of  Fulton  County,  the  proposed  amendment  was  laid 
on  the  table  until  the  ' '  4th  of  July  next. '  '67  Several  other  amend- 
ments of  a  like  nature  were  offered,  but  all  suffered  the  same 
fate.  At  last  a  motion  was  made  to  advance  the  bill  to  a  third 
reading,  but  it  was  voted  down  by  a  vote  of  twenty-two  to 
nineteen.  The  vote  was  later  reconsidered  and  the  bill  was 
referred  to  a  select  committee  of  five,  three  of  whom  were  warm 
friends  of  the  canal.88  Later  it  was  ordered  to  a  third  reading 
and  referred  to  another  select  committee  composed  of  Judd, 
Harrison,  and  Kilpatrick.69  This  committee  referred  it  back  to 
the  senate  without  amendments  and  recommended  its  passage, 
which  was  done  by  a  vote  of  twenty-one  to  twenty. 

An  analysis  of  this  vote  is  significant,  although  it  differs  but 
little,  so  far  as  political  and  sectional  lines  are  concerned,  from 
those  taken  on  similar  subjects  two  years  before.  Of  the  fourteen 
Whigs  voting  seven  voted  in  the  affirmative.  All  but  one  of  these 
seven  represented  districts  adjacent  to,  or  north  of,  the  Illinois 
River,  and  this  excepted  district  was  a  northern  one  composed 
of  McLean,  Macon,  Livingston,  Piatt,  and  DeWitt  counties. 
Conversely,  the  opposition  among  the  Whigs  came  from  members 
representing  southern  counties  and  districts.  Twenty-seven 
Democrats  took  part  in  the  voting,  and  of  that  number  fourteen 
supported  the  measure.  With  the  exception  of  Dunlap,  who  rep- 

67The  favorite  method  of  killing  measures  in  this  and  many  other 
sessions  of  the  Legislature. 

68Committee:  McMurtry  (Dem.),  Worthington  (Whig.),  Judd  (Dem.), 
Ryan  (Dem.),  Dunlap  (Whig).  All  except  Dunlap  represented  districts 
having  a  direct  interest  in  completing  the  canal. 

69Judd  was  a  Democrat,  while  Kilpatrick  and  Harrison  were  Whigs. 


110  THE    ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [110 

resented  a  district  composed  of  Crawford,  Lawrence,  and  Jasper 
counties  and  a  part  of  Richland,  these  same  fourteen  senators 
represented  districts  adjacent  to,  or  north  of,  the  route  of  the 
canal.  The  opponents  of  the  bill,  on  the  other  hand,  were,  with 
one  exception,  from  the  southern  part  of  the  state.  Thus  not 
upon  political  but  upon  sectional  lines  was  the  interest-paying 
measure  passed.  Senators  from  the  northern  counties,  alive  to 
the  benefits  to  be  derived  from  a  completed  canal  and  the  ex- 
penditure of  more  than  one  and  a  half  million  dollars  in  their 
midst,  voted  to  impose  a  tax  upon  the  people  in  order  that  the 
canal  might  be  completed,  and  their  justification,  if  they  needed 
any,  was  the  completion  of  the  canal  within  four  years  and  a 
final  extinguishment  of  the  state  debt  as  to  both  principal  and 
interest.70 

The  house  bill,  which  the  senate  had  just  passed  with  so 
much  difficulty,  had  been  so  amended  in  the  latter  body  that  the 
canal  was  left  unprovided  for.  No  sooner  was  the  interest  bill 
passed  and  on  its  way  back  to  the  house  for  ratification  than 
another  house  bill  entitled,  "An  act  authorizing  the  school  com- 
missioners of  Greene  County  to  sell  certain  property  purchased 
on  execution,"  was  taken  up  and  read  a  second  time.  Imme- 
diately Mr.  Kilpatrick  moved  to  strike  out  all  after  the  enacting 
clause  and  insert  what  eventually  became  the  "supplementary 
canal  bill  of  1845. ' '  This  was  done,  and  after  being  ordered  to  a 
third  reading  was  referred  to  a  select  committee  composed  of 
Kilpatrick,  McMurtry,  and  Minard,  each  of  whom  represented  a 
district  vitally  interested  in  a  completed  canal.  The  next  day, 
February  28,  1845,  the  committee  reported  the  bill  back  to  the 
senate  without  amendment  and  recommended  that  it  be  passed, 
which  was  done  by  a  vote  of  twenty-three  to  eighteen.  This  vote 
differs  in  its  sectional  aspect  only  a  little  from  the  one  just  con- 
sidered, in  •  that  the  north  favored  its  passage  and  the  south 

70Govemor  Ford  and  others  have  mentioned  the  support  gained  by 
dividing  the  bills,  but  the  names  of  the  senators  that  changed  appear  to 
have  slumbered  heretofore  in  the  journals  of  the  senate.  First  of  all  it 
ought  to  be  noticed  that  every  senator  was  present  and  voting,  secondly 
that  every  senator  that  supported  the  combined  measures  supported  them 
when  separated.  After  the  separation  the  interest  bill  gained  the  support 
of  Dunlap  and  Worthington,  both  of  whom  opposed  the  canal  bill.  The 
canal  bill,  on  the  other  hand,  was  supported  by  Edwards,  Smith  of  Madi- 
son, Warren,  and  Davis,  none  of  whom  was  willing  to  support  the  interest 
bill.  See  Senate  Journal,  1844-5,  PP-  383,  400,  412. 


Ill]  SECTIONALISM   AND   STATE   ISSUES  111 

opposed  it.  Later  in  the  same  day  an  appropriate  enacting  clause 
replaced  the  one  concerning  the  school  commissioners  of  Greene 
County.  Both  bills  were  returned  to  the  house  where  they  were 
repassed  as  amended  by  the  Senate,  and  sent  to  the  Council  of 
Revision. 

The  struggle  over  a  completed  canal  and  the  payment  of 
interest  on  the  state  debt  had  far  reaching  results.  During  the 
two  years  in  which  the  contest  was  caried  on,  the  influence  of 
Chicago  and  Cook  County  became  apparent.  Judd  in  the  senate, 
and  Arnold,  Sherman,  and  Stewart  in  the  house  displayed  a  more 
aggressive  spirit  than  their  predecessors  had  done.  Their  success 
in  advocating  measures  beneficial  to  their  own  locality  was 
noticed  by  their  contemporaries,  and  this  success  increased 
regardless  of  the  party  in  power  at  the  capital;  and  either  by 
design  or  accident  a  majority  of  the  people  along  the  Lake  had 
the  same  political  affiliations  as  a  majority  of  the  entire  state. 

Sectionalism  has  always  been  a  potent  factor  in  Illinois 
political  life.  In  the  early  days  the  line  of  demarcation  rested 
on  a  question  of  birth.  Those  born  in  the  South  and  West  were 
hostile  to  those  born  in  the  East,  particularly  in  New  England. 
Because  of  the  extreme  length  of  the  state,  and  the  fact  that  the 
settlers  from  New  England  and  New  York  settled  in  the  northern 
counties,  sectionalism  continued  in  much  the  same  form  but  upon 
a  modified  basis.  There  was  a  perpetual  misunderstanding  be- 
tween the  common  people  of  the  two  sections.  The  settlers  in 
the  north  regarded  their  less  progressive  neighbors  with  contempt 
that  was  not  always  hidden,  and  the  feeling  was  reciprocated  on 
the  part  of  the  people  in  the  southern  counties  with  one  of  hatred 
and  distrust.  This  attitude  is  well  illustrated  by  the  remark  of 
a  public  man  who  usually  displayed  a  generous  spirit  toward  all 
sections  and  people.  ' ' Mr.  Ames,  who  is  as  near  the  little  end  of 
nothing  as  any  person  I  ever  saw,  introduced  a  bill  to  repeal  the 
Cairo  City  Charter.  .  .  This  individual  is  one  of  the  Northern 
wise-acres  sent  to  the  Legislature  to  enlighten  the  ignorant  and 
un-intelligent  South."71  If  such  an  expression  represented  the 
feeling  of  men  who  had  a  broad  knowledge  of  affairs,  what  must 
have  been  that  of  the  great  mass  in  the  southern  counties,  who 
had  a  very  distorted  idea  of  their  northern  neighbors,  whom  they 
called  " Yankees!" 

71G.  T.  M.  Davis  in  Alton  Telegraph,  January  28,  1843. 


112  THE   ILLINOIS   WHIGS  [112 

During  the  five  years  following  1840,  local  problems  received 
the  major  portion  of  the  people's  attention,  and  there  arose  in 
solving  these  problems  serious  aspects  of  sectionalism.  Conse- 
quently the  activities  of  the  Whig  party  are  less  noticeable  than 
formerly.  The  four  important  state  issues  before  the  General 
Assemblies  of  these  years  were:  (1)  liquidation  of  the  state 
banks;  (2)  provisions  for  the  state  debt;  (3)  completion  of  the 
Illinois-Michigan  Canal;  (4)  the  Mormon  question.  The  banks 
were  liquidated  without  serious  opposition.  On  the  other  issues 
the  people  as  well  as  their  representatives  were  divided.  The 
southern  and  eastern  counties  very  generally  opposed  completing 
the  canal  and  paying  interest  on  the  state  debt.  The  question 
of  revoking  the  Nauvoo  City  Charter  brought  on  acrimonious 
debate  in  the  General  Assembly,  but  in  the  end  those  favoring 
revocation  prevailed.  There  were,  however,  national  political 
issues  that  demanded  attention  during  this  period,  and  they  are 
noticed  in  the  following  chapter. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES. 
1841-1845. 

The  character  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  the  large 
place  occupied  by  national  policies  in  the  lives  of  the  people, 
make  it  impossible  to  divorce  local  and  national  issues.  It  be- 
comes necessary  in  the  lives  of  most  political  leaders,  in  order 
that  they  may  remain  connected  with  their  party  politics,  to  deny 
principles  which  they  personally  hold,  and  to  adhere  to  those 
dictated  by  party  policy.  Therefore  in  a  discussion  of  a  political 
party  within  any  particular  state  and  its  support  or  opposition 
to  local  issues,  such  as  has  been  attempted  in  the  previous  chapter, 
there  is  always  a  necessary  correction  of  inference  concerning 
principles  followed  by  local  men,  by  bringing  them  into  connec- 
tion with  national  politics.  It  has  been  seen  that  there  was  a 
natural  tendency  in  Illinois  by  both  Democratic  and  Whig 
leaders  to  view  all  local  issues  according  to  sectional  interests, 
but  the  true  condition  of  politics  cannot  be  understood  unless  it 
is  realized  that  the  tendency  to  break  into  sectional  groups  was 
retarded  by  the  demands  of  allegiance  to  national  politics.  The 
Whigs  were  held  rather  loosely  together  by  a  common  adherence 
to  certain  national  policies,  which  had  come  by  1840  to  be  recog- 
nized as  belonging  peculiarly  to  that  party.  The  most  important 
of  these  policies  were  the  American  system,  the  United  States 
bank,  and  federal  aid  for  internal  improvements.  Closely  con- 
nected with  these  policies  was  a  personality,  which  was  a  policy 
in  itself ;  and  sometimes  it  overshadowed  the  principles  for  which 
the  possessor  of  it  stood.  The  support  of  the  principles,  and 
their  sponsor,  Henry  Clay,  divided  with  local  issues  the  attention 
of  the  Whigs  during  the  early  forties. 

As  March  4,  1841,  drew  near,  the  Whigs  again  gave  vent 
to  the  enthusiasm  that  had  won  the  preceding  November  election 
for  them.  To  a  great  many  in  the  party,  the  opportunity  to  hold 
an  office  under  the  federal  government  had  never  before  been 

"3 


114  THE   ILLINOIS   WHIGS  [114 

present;  and  the  prospect  of  applying  the  principle  "to  the 
victor  belong  the  spoils,"  to  oust  thousands  of  Democratic  office- 
holders was  pleasant  to  contemplate.  Particularly  was  this  true 
in  Illinois  where  the  Democrats  had  been  in  complete  control  for 
years.  At  the  same  time  the  Democrats,  unmindful  of  past 
practices,  denounced  the  proposed  removal  of  federal  officers  for 
political  reasons,  calling  it  proscription  for  party's  sake.  This 
contemplated  distribution  of  offices  put  the  Springfield  "Junto" 
in  an  enviable  position.  John  T.  Stuart,  one  of  its  members,  en- 
joyed the  distinction  of  being  the  only  Whig  representative  from 
the  state  in  either  house  of  Congress,  and  it  was  expected,  and 
rightfully  so,  that  his  influence  with  the  new  administration 
would  be  very  great. 

If  the  Whigs  were  jubilant  at  the  prospect  of  actual  partici- 
pation in  the  administration  of  national  affairs,  the  Democrats 
professed  to  be  filled  with  the  greatest  alarm.  Before  Harrison  's 
administration  should  expire,  it  was  predicted  that  every  land- 
mark set  up  by  preceding  Republican  presidents  would  be 
destroyed;  that  the  state  governments  would  be  overshadowed 
by  the  central  government  and  '  '  rushing  to  consolidation  ;  '  '  and 
that  the  United  States  would  be  burdened  with  a  debt  of  three 
hundred  million  dollars.  It  was  declared  that  a  United  States 
bank  with  a  capital  of  one  hundred  million  dollars  supplied  from 
Great  Britain,  having  under  its  control  "myriads  of  dependent 
branches,"  was  contemplated  by  the  new  administration.  The 
tariff,  it  was  predicted,  would  be  raised  to  the  point  where  it 
would  yield  forty  millions  of  revenue  annually,  and  grind  "to 
the  dust  the  working  man,  leaving  him  but  the  mere  bread  of 
existence  for  himself,  his  wife,  and  his  children."  The  climax 
of  gloom  was  reached  in  picturing  the  result  of  the  abolitionist 
tendencies  of  the  new  president  and  his  advisers;  one  writer 
claimed  with  the  greatest  apparent  sincerity  that  he  expected  to 
see  in  a  short  time  "the  monster  Abolitionism  stalking  through 
the  land,  and  severing  the  bond  of  fraternal  feeling  and  love 
which  now  unites  the  people  of  the  different  states.  '  51  Long  lists 
of  contemplated  Whig  appointees  to  federal  offices  were  pub- 
lished in  Democratic  papers  in  an  effort  to  prove  that  the  change 
of  administration  would  be  revolutionary.  The  same  papers 
fairly  teemed  with  extravagant  notices  of  the  supposed  hostile 


State  Register,  March  5,  1841.     An  article  entitled  "THE  RE- 
STORED DYNASTY  OF  FEDERALISM"  is  particularly  suggestive. 


115]  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES  115 

attitude  of  Harrison  and  his  advisers  toward  unorthodox  Whigs 
as  well  as  Democrats. 

In  the  midst  of  these  ominous  predictions  the  news  of 
President  Harrison's  death  reached  Illinois.  It  was  received 
with  sincere  regret  by  the  press  of  both  parties.  For  the  instant, 
political  differences  were  sunk  as  a  tribute  to  the  dead  executive. 
Even  the  most  extreme  Democratic  papers  gave  him  the  praise 
they  had  withheld  in  the  late  presidential  campaign,  and  none 
was  heartless  enough  to  mention  any  of  the  calumnies  that  had 
been  hurled  at  him  in  the  heat  of  battle.  It  was  very  generally 
expected  that  his  death  would  not  hinder  the  Whig  program 
of  national  legislation. 

A  close  examination  of  available  newspapers  does  not  indi- 
cate any  suspicion  on  the  part  of  the  Whigs  that  Tyler  would 
refuse  to  carry  out  the  policies  of  his  deceased  predecessor.  Nor 
did  the  Democrats  seem  to  have  any  intimation  that  this  would 
happen,  for  they  began  immediately  to  criticize  the  new  president 
and  his  cabinet.  Particularly  was  criticism  directed  toward 
Webster,  whom  the  Democrats  professed  to  regard  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  special  privileges  and  a  particular  section,  and  the 
incarnation  of  ' '  revived  Federalism. ' '  He  had  been  the  focus  of 
attack  since  his  appointment  to  the  state  portfolio  had  been  made 
public,  but  with  the  death  of  Harrison,  came  the  belief  that  the 
New  Englander  would  assume  a  larger  place  in  national  affairs. 
This  belief  actuated  the  Democratic  press  to  redouble  its  efforts 
in  an  attack  on  Webster  no  less  bitter  than  those  which  it  had 
carried  on  against  Clay,  Harrison,  and  Adams. 

Even  before  the  Harrisburg  Convention  had  named  John 
Tyler  for  second  place  on  the  Whig  ticket,  there  was  a  respectable 
demand  in  Illinois  for  such  a  choice.  Tyler  had  been  supported 
by  the  Whigs  and  anti-Van  Buren  Democrats  in  the  campaign  of 
1836  as  vice-presidential  candidate  on  the  Harrison  and  White 
tickets.  As  soon  as  the  news  of  Tyler's  nomination  in  1839 
reached  Illlinois,  the  Alton  Telegraph2  voiced  the  sentiment  of  the 
Whigs  by  declaring  that ' '  against  John  Tyler  as  a  candidate  for 
the  Vice  Presidency,  we  presume  not  a  single  objection  can  be 
raised  by  any  one  who  is  not  already  enlisted  in  the  Loco-Foco 
ranks.  The  choice  of  the  convention  could  not  have  fallen  upon 
a  worthier  man;  and  he  will  doubtless  obtain  the  unanimous 
support  of  all  the  opponents  of  the  existing  Administration."2 

2Issues  of  January  4,  1840,  and  passim. 


116  THE   ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [116 

Like  sentiments  were  expressed  by  the  Sangamo  Journal,  Mt. 
Carmel  Register,  and  other  "Whig  papers.3 

This  feeling  of  satisfaction  in  Tyler's  selection  was  not  con- 
fined to  the  press.  County  ratification  meetings  endorsed  his 
nomination  with  the  greatest  show  of  sincere  enthusiasm.  At  the 
great  rally  held  at  Springfield  in  June,  1840,  it  was  resolved, 
"that  we  believe  that  JOHN  TYLER— the  old  fashioned  Vir- 
ginian Republican,  is  every  way  better  qualified  to  fill  that  dis- 
tinguished station  [vice  presidency]  than  any  or  all  of  his 
competitors."*  Throughout  the  campaign  Tyler's  name  was 
inseparably  connected  with  that  of  Harrison,  the  battle  cry  being 
"Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too,"  and  there  appeared  to  have  been 
no  feeling  in  Illinois  that  Tyler  was  any  but  an  orthodox  Whig 
of  the  purest  type. 

For  several  weeks  after  Harrison's  death,  eulogies  on  the 
dead  president  allowed  little  space  to  the  Whig  editors  of  Illinois 
for  expressing  an  opinion  on  Tyler's  attitude  toward  carrying 
out  what  were  called  ' ' Harrisonian  Principles."  The  first  dis- 
cordant note  came  from  the  Democratic  press,  which  professed 
to  believe  that  the  new  president  was  a  Democrat  at  heart. 
These  professions  were  presumably  reiterated  by  the  two  senators 
from  Illinois,  both  of  whom  were  Democrats,  who  claimed  to  have 
information  at  first  hand  that  Tyler  was  not  and  never  had  been 
a  Whig  as  the  people  of  Illinois  understood  the  term.  In  the 
face  of  these  claims  the  Whig  press  manfully,  but  with  apparent 
misgivings,  declared  emphatically  that  the  Whigs  were  satisfied 
with  Mr.  Tyler.8 

The  president's  message  to  the  called  session  of  Congress  in 
1841,  was  published  with  a  professed  degree  of  satisfaction  by 
the  papers  of  both  parties,  each  side  claiming  loudly  that  the 
message  was  Whig  or  Democratic  as  the  case  might  be.6  On  the 

sSangamo  Journal,  December  27,  1839;  Vandalia  Free  Press.  January 
24,  1840. 

*Sangamo  Journal,  June  5,  1840. 

B"If  there  is  any  truth  or  sincerity  in  the  professions  of  the  loco  foco 
party,  we  shall  soon  have  very  peaceable  times,  so  far  as  politics  are  con- 
cerned. The  loco  foco  press  professes  to  be  satisfied  with  Mr.  Tyler, — the 
Whig  press  certainly  is.  If  so,  what  is  there  to  quarrel  about?  Nothing 
most  certainly,  if  the  loco  foco  speaks  the  truth.  'Nous  Verrons,'  as 
Ritchie  used  to  say."  Sangamo  Journal,  April  30,  1841.  See  also  issue  of 
May  7,  1841 ;  also  Illinois  Republican  (Shawneetown),  April  24,  1841. 

*State  Register,  June  11,  1841 ;  Alton  Telegraph,  June  19,  20,  26,  1841. 


117]  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES  117 

whole,  however,  the  Democratic  press  had  the  advantage  on  its 
side,  for  those  parts  of  the  message  dealing  with  a  bank,  the 
tariff,  and  the  distribution  of  patronage,  ran  counter  to  the  gen- 
erally accepted  ideas  of  the  Illinois  Whigs.  The  Democratic 
press  and  politicians  left  nothing  undone  to  discredit  Tyler  in 
the  eyes  of  the  Whigs,  in  the  hope  that  misunderstandings  and 
mutual  jealousies  might  be  brought  to  life  and  stimulated  into  a 
healthy  growth. 

In  the  midst  of  political  uncertainties  the  congressional 
election  of  1841  occurred.  Originally  the  elections  for  representa- 
tives had  been  held  on  the  first  Monday  of  August  in  even  num- 
bered years,  but  the  General  Assembly,  in  the  hope  of  being  able 
to  secure  an  increased  number  of  representatives  on  the  basis  of 
the  census  of  1840,  had  postponed  the  election  from  1840  to  1841.7 
In  only  one  of  the  three  congressional  districts,  the  Third,  did 
the  Whigs  have  a  candidate  of  their  own  party.  In  the  First 
district  they  combined  with  one  element  of  the  Democrats  against 
ex-Governor  Reynolds;8  in  the  Second,  they  supported  Casey, 
whom  they  considered  less  objectionable  than  his  more  radical 
opponent,  Stinson  H.  Anderson  of  Jefferson  County;9  in  the 
Third,  they  had  their  own  party  candidate,  John  T.  Stuart  of 
Sangamon  County.  Lack  of  candidates  in  two  of  the  districts 
was  due  to  demoralization  resulting  from  Harrison's  death  and 
Tyler's  reported  defection  from  the  party  ranks,  as  well  as  from 
a  feeling  that  a  strict  party  man  could  not  be  elected.  Under  the 
circumstances  it  was  considered  good  politics  by  the  Whig  leaders 
to  combine  with  their  more  conservative  opponents  against  the 
radical  wing.  Reynolds  was  elected  in  spite  of  coalition  against 
him ;  Casey  with  the  assistance  of  his  Whig  allies  defeated  Ander- 
son; and  Stuart,  whose  district  comprised  all  the  northern  part 
of  the  state,  was  re-elected  by  a  small  majority.  On  the  whole 
the  Whigs  considered  that  the  election  had  resulted  in  their 
favor.10 

TSee  Laws  of  Illinois,  1838-9,  p.  109;  A.  Lincoln  to  J.  T.  Stuart,  Jan- 
uary I,  1840,  Lincoln,  Complete  Works,  I.,  37. 

8A  number  of  letters  in  the  Eddy  MSS.  throws  light  on  Reynolds' 
candidacy.  See  also  MSS.  Election  Returns,  (Secretary  of  State's  Office, 
Springfield,  Illinois.) 

•Whig  counties  in  this  district  invariably  went  for  Casey.  See  MSS. 
Election  Returns,  (Secretary  of  State's  Office,  Springfield,  Illinois.) 

10Candidates :  First  district— Henry  L.  Webb  (Whig);  John  Rey- 
nolds (Loco)  ;  Stephen  R.  Rowan  (Loco).  Second  district — Zadok  Casey 


118  THE   ILLINOIS    WHIGS  [118 

Following  on  the  heels  of  the  congressional  election  came 
the  president's  veto  of  the  Whigs'  pet  measure,  the  legalizing  of 
a  third  United  States  bank.  Forthwith  the  Whig  press  de- 
nounced Tyler  in  the  most  bitter  terms,  and  in  so  doing  showed 
their  past  fears.  ' '  Our  worst  fears  are  more  than  realized.  The 
die  is  cast !  The  hopes  of  a  nation  are  blasted.  .  .  and  rights  for 
which  they,  the  Whigs,  have  been  manfully  contending  for  twelve 
years  past,  have  been  trampled  upon  by  the  arbitrary  use  of  the 
veto  power  by  John  Tyler  in  returning  the  Bank  bill,  refusing  his 
approval."11  What  made  the  situation  more  exasperating  was  the 
attitude  of  the  Democratic  press,  which  fairly  teemed  with  letters 
and  editorials  designed  to  widen  the  breach  between  the  president 
and  his  party.  In  the  minds  of  the  rank  and  file  of  the  party 
Tyler  was  a  traitor,  a  renegade,  and  a  political  outcast.  His 
veto  of  the  Bank  bill  alienated  from  him  practically  all  the  Whigs 
in  Illinois,  who  saw  their  well  earned  victory  of  1840  lost  through 
what  many  called  "political  intrigue  and  personal  knavery." 

Every  act  of  the  president  which  could  be  interpreted  as 
unfriendly  to  the  Whigs,  was  subjected  to  the  fiercest  criticism 
by  the  Whig  press.  Removal  of  Whig  incumbents  from  federal 
offices  and  refusal  by  the  president  to  replace  Democrats  with 
Whigs  were  denounced,  even  in  the  face  of  recent  declarations 
that  the  good  of  the  public  service  should  take  precedence  over 
personal  preferment  and  that  there  should  be  no  proscription  for 
party's  sake.  Time  opened  rather  than  healed  the  wound  in- 
flicted upon  the  Whig  party  by  Tyler's  refusal  to  co-operate 

(Conservative)  ;  Stinson  H.  Anderson  (Loco).  Third  district — John  T. 
Stuart  (Whig);  James  H.  Ralston  (Loco).  Alton  Telegraph,  July  24, 
1841. 

It  is  hardly  correct  to  class  Webb  as  a  Whig,  despite  the  fact  that  he 
had  leanings  in  that  direction.  See  H.  L.  Webb  to  H.  Eddy,  June  20, 
1840.  (Eddy  MSS.)  While  a  member  of  the  General  Assembly  in  1838-40, 
Webb  voted  consistently  with  the  Democrats,  except  in  the  election  of 
public  printer.  Mr.  Weber,  against  whom  Webb  had  voted  for  that  office, 
merely  considered  Webb's  successor  a  better  Democrat  than  was  Webb. 
Rowan  was  a  Democrat,  but  in  the  phraseology  of  the  time  he  was  a  "con- 
servative." Rowan  withdrew  from  the  race  but  received  171  votes. 

11 Alton  Telegraph,  August  28,  1841.  The  Illinois  Republican,  August 
21,  1841,  made  a  characteristic  attack  on  the  president.  "The  long  agony 
over — the  Bank  Bill  vetoed  by  his  accidency  President  Tyler.  The  will  of 
the  People  violated  and  set  at  naught — the  days  of  Jacksonianism,  Vetoism 
and  Monarchism  restored." 


119]  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES  119 

with  its  members  in  passing  the  bank  bill.  Stung  by  the  taunts 
of  the  Democratic  press,  the  leaders  of  the  Illinois  Whigs  were  in 
a  bad  humor  when  they  gathered  together  to  compare  notes  at  the 
opening  of  the  General  Assembly  in  December,  1842. 

Although  the  bankrupt  state  demanded  the  closest  atten- 
tion of  the  lawmakers,  there  inevitably  came  to  the  surface  from 
time  to  time  national  issues,  which  divided  their  attention  with 
state  affairs.  When  the  question  arose  of  accepting  from  the 
federal  government  certain  moneys  derived  from  the  sale  of 
public  lands,  the  old  controversy  about  the  attitude  taken  by 
each  party  toward  federal  aid  for  internal  improvements  was 
renewed.  The  senate  committee  on  finance  voiced  the  sentiment 
of  a  great  number  of  the  Democratic  party  when  it  laid  down  the 
dictum  that  the  proceeds  arising  from  the  sale  of  public  land 
within  the  state  differed  greatly  from  those  arising  from  the 
sale  of  land  without  the  state.  The  former,  the  committee  be- 
lieved, rightfully  belonged  to  the  state,  the  latter  to  the  state  in 
which  the  lands  sold  were  located.12  Governor  Carlin  had  gone 
further  in  declaring  that  there  was  essentially  no  difference 
between  distributing  funds  collected  on  imports  and  funds  de- 
rived from  the  sale  of  public  land.  To  support  his  contention  he 
devoted  considerable  space  in  his  last  message  to  defining  the 
powers  of  Congress,  and  declared  that  the  law  authorizing  the 
distribution  was  unconstitutional.13 

The  demand  for  money  was  so  pressing  that  a  majority  of 
the  Democrats  in  the  house  supported  by  every  Whig  present 
voted  to  accept  all  the  funds  to  which  Illinois  was  entitled  under 
the  law.1*  In  the  senate  the  measure  met  sturdy  opposition.  The 
finance  committee  of  that  body  recommended  that  only  a  part  of 
the  fund  be  received.  After  animated  debates,  and  filibustering 
tactics  on  the  part  of  the  opposition,  the  house  bill  was  passed 
by  the  senate.15  Every  Whig  present  supported  the  measure, 
with  the  feeling  that  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  arising  from 
the  sale  of  public  lands  was  a  national  Whig  policy,  which  had 
the  support  of  Clay. 

Another  national  policy  to  which  the  Democratic  members 
of  the  Assembly  took  exception  was  the  recent  Whig  tariff,  and 

^-General  Assembly  Reports  (Senate),  1842-3,  p.  102. 
^Senate  Journal,  1842-3,  p.  23;  House  Journal,  1842-3,  p.  28;  General 
Assembly  Reports,  1842-3,  p.  14  ff. 
14House  Journal,  1842-3,  p.  107. 
^Senate  Journal,  1842-3,  p.  392  ff. 


120  THE   ILLINOIS   WHIGS  [120 

in  their  opposition  they  were  divided  as  they  had  been  over  the 
proposition  to  receive  the  funds  from  the  sale  of  public  lands. 
The  senate  resolved  that  the  senators  in  Congress  be  instructed 
and  the  representatives  be  requested  to  "use  their  endeavors  to 
obtain  a  modification  of  the  same  [tariff],  so  that  it  may  favor,  if 
possible,  all  branches  of  industry  alike ;  and  secure  an  adequate 
revenue  for  the  wants  of  the  government."16  In  the  same  set 
of  resolutions  the  Democrats  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity 
to  go  on  record  against  the  protective  principles,  and  a  United 
States  bank,  and  to  declare  in  favor  of  an  independent  treasury. 
The  Whigs  lined  up  solidly  against  the  resolutions.  Under  the 
leadership  of  E.  D.  Baker,  every  obstacle  possible  was  interposed. 
Amendments  that  would  have  changed  the  resolutions  materially 
were  proposed  by  the  Whigs,  but  to  no  avail.  The  resolutions 
were  passed,  all  the  Whigs,  thirteen  in  number,  and  one  Demo- 
crat voting  in  the  negative.17  Opposition  in  the  Democratic 
ranks  appeared  when  the  resolutions  were  sent  to  the  house,  and 
they  seem  never  to  have  been  acted  upon  by  that  body. 

The  meeting  of  the  General  Assembly  gave  to  the  Whig 
members  an  opportunity  for  getting  toegther  in  informal  meet- 
ings where  ways  and  means  of  conducting  the  congressional 
campaign  of  1843  and  the  presidential  campaign  of  1844  were 
discussed.  Although  not  a  member  of  the  General  Assembly, 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  an  active  participant  in  the  meetings  held  by  his 
political  friends,  and  when  a  program  of  action  and  platform  of 
purpose  were  proposed  he  was  invariably  selected  to  assist  in 
formulating  them.  These  meetings  were  enthusiastically  attended 
and  the  published  utterances  of  the  men  who  made  speeches  in 
them  show  that  the  leaders  were  optimistic  of  success.  The  first 
event  at  hand  of  a  political  nature  was  the  congressional  election 
to  be  held  in  August,  1843. 

The  increase  in  the  number  of  representatives  from  three 
in  1841  to  seven  in  1843,  was  encouraging  to  both  parties.  Par- 
ticularly were  the  Whigs  encouraged.  This  increase  was  due  in 
great  part  to  an  increased  population  in  the  northern  and  central 

16The  senate  resolutions  as  passed  are  found  only  in  House  Journal, 
1842-3,  p.  146. 

"Nathaniel  Parker,  representing  Coles  and  Clark  counties,  was  the 
Democrat  voting  with  the  Whigs.  Mr.  Parker  was  perhaps  not  a  very 
strong  party  man,  for  upon  several  occasions  he  voted  with  the  Whigs. 


121]  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES  121 

counties  where  the  Whigs  had  always  had  a  fighting  chance.18 
In  the  Seventh  district  especially  was  the  competition  sharp 
between  three  of  its  strongest  Whigs — Lincoln,  Hardin  and 
Baker.  Each  of  these  men  was  popular,  each  was  a  regular 
party  man,  and  all  three  possessed  more  than  ordinary  ability. 
For  many  weeks  the  outcome  was  doubtful.19  Fortunately  for  the 
party,  Hardin,  who  was  the  strongest  of  the  three,  was  selected 
by  a  nominating  convention.  Equally  fortunately,  the  defeated 
candidates  endorsed  the  nominee  and  gave  him  their  support.  In 
some  of  the  districts  there  were  Tyler  candidates  for  Congress, 
but  in  no  case  did  they  receive  any  great  support,  for  Tylerism 
was  unpopular  among  all  parties  and  classes.  In  the  districts 
where  the  Whigs  had  no  chance  whatever  to  elect  their  own  can- 
didates, they  did  as  they  had  often  done  before,  supported  the 
least  offensive  candidate  of  the  Democratic  party.  Thus  in  the 
Second  district,  they  supported  Casey  against  McClernand,  who- 
was  decidedly  radical.20  In  but  one  of  the  seven  districts,  the 
Seventh,  was  a  regular  Whig  chosen  as  representative,  yet  the 
Whig  leaders  professed  to  believe  that  their  party  was  rela- 
tively stronger  than  it  had  been  in  the  campaign  of  1840. 

With  the  election  of  1843  out  of  the  way,  the  Whig  press 
took  up  in  earnest  the  campaign  and  election  of  1844.  Clay  was 
the  only  candidate  seriously  considered.21  His  public  acts  served 
as  the  basis  for  pages  of  editorials  and  communications.  His 
friendship  for  the  West  and  South  was  held  up  before  the 
voters  of  all  parties ;  and  they  were  asked  to  support  him  because 
of  this  friendship.  Sectional  prejudices  were  appealed  to  in  an 
effort  to  attract  Democrats  from  Van  Buren  to  Clay.  In  addi- 

18Until  1843,  practically  the  entire  northern  and  central  parts  of  the 
state  were  in  the  Third  district.  After  the  re-apportionment,  but  three  of 
the  seven  districts  can  be  said  to  have  been  southern.  See  Laws  of 
Illinois,  1842-3,  pp.  71-3. 

"Lincoln,  Complete  Works,  I.,  79  passim;  Alton  Telegraph,  April  15, 

1843. 

20W.  Pickering  to  J.  Marshall,  April  18,  1843.  (Eddy  MSS.) 
21For  various  opinions  see  Alton  Telegraph,  December  30,  1843, 
February  17,  1844.  The  attitude  of  the  Telegraph  toward  some  other  can- 
didates is  expressed  in  the  following  words:  "Daniel  Webster,  it  is 
asserted,  intends  to  be  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  We  do  not  believe 
it  but  should  the  rumor  be  true  his  success  will  be  nearly  equal  to  those 
of  John  Tyler.  Neither  of  them  could  carry  over  one  State  in  the  Union." 
Issue  of  May  6,  1843. 


122  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [122 

tion,  the  story  of  the  poverty  of  the  early  life  of  Clay  was  told 
and  retold  in  an  effort  to  excite  sympathy  and  admiration  for 
him  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  many  of  whom  had  risen  from 
a  position  no  higher.  Every  attention  shown  Clay  by  the  people 
was  interpreted  by  the  Whig  press  as  an  omen  of  victory.  Praise 
for  him  was  unsparing.  "We  notice  with  pride  that  the  Cincin- 
natus  of  the  West — Henry  Clay — in  his  journey  South,  is  greeted 
at  every  landing,  town,  and  city,  with  enthusiastic  demonstra- 
tions of  regard  and  respect.  How  could  it  be  otherwise,  unless 
the  people  whom  he  has  so  long  and  faithfully  served,  both  at 
home  and  abroad,  were  perfectly  callous  to  every  feeling  of 
gratitude  and  national  pride. ": 

What  made  the  situation  more  encouraging  was  a  threatened 
split  in  the  Democratic  ranks.  Van  Buren  was  the  choice  per- 
haps of  a  majority  of  the  Democrats,  and  he  was  certainly  con- 
sidered by  the  Whigs  as  the  prospective  candidate.  There  was, 
however,  a  strong  feeling  that  Richard  M.  Johnson  of  Ken- 
tucky ought  to  be  and  would  be  the  nominee  of  the  Democratic 
party.23  Such  was  the  situation  in  both  parties  when  the  Whigs 
formulated  the  principles  upon  which  they  stood  as  a  party. 

A  great  deal  has  been  said  about  the  reluctance  of  the 
Whigs  to  declare  for  certain  definite  principles.  However  much 
such  a  state  of  affairs  may  have  been  true  in  the  nation  at  large, 
it  was  not  true  in  Illinois.  In  1840  the  Whigs  had  adopted  clean 
cut  principles  upon  which  they  asked  the  support  of  the  peo- 
ple ;24  and  now  in  1843,  they  reiterated  their  former  declarations 
with  greater  emphasis.  Without  apparent  hesitancy  they  pro- 
claimed through  the  press  and  from  the  stump,  political  doc- 
trines that  cannot  be  mistaken  or  explained  away. 

In  an  "Address  to  the  People  of  Illinois"  by  a  Whig  com- 
mittee composed  of  Messrs.  A.  Lincoln,  S.  T.  Logan,  and  A.  T. 
Bledsoe,  there  were  laid  down  in  detail  six  principal  articles  of 
faith  of  the  party.25  First  of  all  came  the  tariff.  A  demand  was 
made  for  a  tariff  for  revenue  that  would  give  protection  to 
American  industries.  To  support  their  contentions  the  mem- 
bers of  the  committee  quoted  Jefferson,  Jackson,  and  Calhoun, 

22Alton  Telegraph,  January  7,  1843. 

23State  Register,  November  27,  1840;  Alton  Telegraph,  December  30, 

1843- 

24Sanganw  Journal,  October  n,  1839. 

"Lincoln,  Complete  Works,  I.,  72  ff. ;  Alton  Telegraph,  March  25,  1843. 


123]  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES  123 

and  in  so  doing  brought  to  bear  upon  their  political  enemies 
their  own  artillery.  Without  taking  into  consideration  any 
change  in  conditions,  either  political  or  economic,  Jefferson 
was  made  to  say  in  a  letter  to  Benjamin  Austin  that  manufac- 
turing was  no  less  important  than  was  agriculture,  and  that 
American  independence  depended  to  a  large  extent  upon  the 
former.  Jackson  was  quoted  in  a  similar  fashion,  and  his  senti- 
ments for  a  protective  tariff  shown  to  have  been  even  stronger 
than  those  expressed  by  Jefferson :  "In  short,  we  have  been  too 
long  subject  to  the  policy  of  British  merchants.  It  is  time  we 
should  become  a  little  more  Americanized,  and,  instead  of  feed- 
ing the  paupers  and  laborers  of  England,  feed  our  own ;  or  else,  in 
a  short  time,  by  continuing  our  present  policy,  we  shall  all  be 
rendered  paupers  ourselves. ' '  From  a  speech  of  Mr.  Calhoun  on 
the  tariff  an  excerpt  was  made  which  showed  that  statesmen  to 
consider  the  prosperity  of  the  manufacturer  and  his  workmen 
essential  to  a  widespread  prosperity,  and  that  the  farmer  would 
of  all  classes  share  in  that  prosperity.  The  committee  took 
a  definite  stand  for  a  tariff  that  would  yield  a  revenue  sufficient 
to  provide  for  the  public  debt,  and  at  the  same  time  obviate  any 
necessity  of  imposing  a  direct  tax  upon  the  people  for  purposes 
of  the  general  government.  In  support  of  this  claim  it  was 
pointed  out  that  a  tariff  would  fall  principally  upon  the  rich, 
while  a  direct  tax  would  have  to  be  borne  by  all  classes,  with  the 
result  that  it  would  bear  most  heavily  upon  the  poor.26 

The  question  of  a  United  States  bank  came  in  for  consider- 
able attention.  As  an  argument  for  its  constitutionality  it  was 
pointed  out  with  emphasis  that  the  first  bank  had  been  established 
by  the  Fathers  of  the  Constitution.  To  strengthen  the  argument 
it  was  recalled  that  the  establishment  of  the  bank  had  been 
sanctioned  by  the  Supreme  Court,  "the  most  enlightened  judicial 
tribunal  of  the  world. ' '  All  this  dealt  with  the  constitutionality 
of  the  question,  but  in  the  minds  of  westerners  expediency  had 
considerable  weight.  The  committee  in  a  most  characteristic 

26The  nature  of  that  part  of  the  address  relating  to  direct  taxation  is 
illustrated  by  the  following  excerpt :  "By  the  direct  tax  system,  none  can 
escape.  However  strictly  the  citizen  may  exclude  from  his  premises  all 
foreign  luxuries — fine  clothes,  fine  silks,  rich  wines,  golden  chains,  and 
diamond  rings ;  still,  for  the  possession  of  his  house,  his  barn,  and  his 
homespun,  he  is  to  be  perpetually  haunted  and  harassed  by  the  tax 
gatherer." 


124  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [124 

way  solved  the  problem  by  saying,  "Upon  the  question  of 
expediency,  we  ask  you  only  to  examine  the  history  of  those 
times  with  the  miserable  present." 

Other  issues  were  discussed  in  a  similar  way ;  Clay 's  Land 
Bill,  the  naming  of  candidates  for  Congress  in  every  district 
regardless  of  chances  for  Whig  success,  and  the  adoption  of  the 
convention  system  for  nominating  candidates,  received  their 
share  of  attention.  On  the  whole  these  questions  were  ably 
handled,  and  the  sectional  interests  of  the  people  of  Illinois  ap- 
pealed to  in  an  effort  to  gain  support  for  the  Whig  party.  The 
address  closed  with  an  analysis  of  political  conditions  both  pres- 
ent and  past,  and  the  prediction  was  made  that  Whig  victory  in 
the  approaching  election  was  assured  if  only  the  Whigs  would 
remember  the  principles  for  which  they  had  fought  in  1840,  and 
act  upon  them  as  patriotic  citizens  should.  ' '  We  declare  it  to  be 
our  solemn  conviction,  that  the  Whigs  are  always  a  majority  of 
this  Nation;  and  that  to  make  them  always  successful,  needs 
but  to  get  them  all  to  the  polls,  and  to  vote  unitedly.  This  is  the 
great  desideratum.  .  .  At  every  election,  let  every  Whig  act  as 
though  he  knew  the  result  to  depend  upon  his  action."  If  the 
address  is  indicative  of  the  feeling  of  the  committee  as  well  as  of 
the  party  it  represented,  one  sees  that  along  with  the  spirit  of 
optimism  expressed  there  was  a  soreness  occasioned  by  Harri- 
son's death  and  the  loss  of  benefits  from  the  Whig  victory  of 
1840. 

With  the  Whig  declarations  thus  set  forth,  the  campaign 
for  the  presidency  began  in  earnest.  There  seems  to  have  been 
no  inclination  to  consider  any  candidate  other  than  Clay. 
Throughout  the  summer  of  1843  Clay  clubs  were  formed.27  The 
Whig  press  kept  Clay  before  the  people  by  reciting  his  many 
virtues,  and  by  comparing  them  with  those  of  Van  Buren,  whom 
the  Whigs  considered  to  be  the  opposing  candidate.  The  con- 
gressional election  of  that  year  gave  the  opportunity  of  bring- 
ing national  politics  to  the  front,  and  while  the  Democrats  were 
uniformly  successful  in  that  contest,  the  Whigs  took  advantage 
of  the  opportunity,  as  has  been  seen,  to  form  coalitions  with 
conservative  elements  of  the  opposition. 

In  December,  1843,  a  Whig  state  convention  similar  to  that 
held  four  years  before  convened  for  the  purpose  of  defining 

"Alton  Telegraph,  May  27,  December  30,  1843. 


125]  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES  125 

policies  and  selecting  electors  for  the  approaching  campaign.28 
Among  other  things  Tyler  was  denounced  and  declared  to  be 
without  a  party;  Clay,  and  Davis  of  Massachusetts  were  en- 
dorsed for  president  and  vice-president  respectively,  but  the  con- 
vention promised  support  to  the  candidates  that  might  be 
selected  by  the  national  "Whig  convention  to  be  held  at  Baltimore ; 
a  protective  tariff,  and  a  sound  and  uniform  currency,  not  metal- 
lic, were  endorsed ;  and  as  a  further  slap  to  the  Democrats,  the 
convention  declared  itself  in  favor  of  the  distribution  of  the 
proceeds  from  the  sale  of  the  public  lands.  No  previous  con- 
vention seems  to  have  had  a  more  complex  and  complete  organi- 
zation. Besides  the  various  committees  incident  to  such  bodies, 
congressional  central  committees  were  chosen,  and  a  campaign 
outlined.  The  leading  spirits  were  Archibald  Williams,  A.  Lin- 
coln, G.  T.  M.  Davis,  Joseph  Gillespie,  John  Wood,  E.  H.  Gate- 
wood,  and  Henry  Eddy.  Other  prominent  Whigs  taking  a  part 
rather  more  informal  were  Judge  Logan,  W.  H.  Herndon,  and 
John  J.  Hardin.  Of  the  nine  candidates  for  presidential  electors, 
the  most  prominent  were  Lincoln,  A.  Lisle  Smith,  Joseph  Gil- 
lespie, U.  F.  Linder,  and  Edwin  B.  Webb.29  Two  delegates-at- 
large  to  the  Whig  national  convention  were  chosen,30  and  the 
selection  of  district  delegates  was  left  to  the  districts  themselves. 
In  common  with  their  political  brethren  of  other  states,  the 
Illinois  Whigs  made  the  fatal  mistake  of  assuming  too  strongly 
that  Van  Buren  would  be  the  Democratic  candidate  for  the 
presidency.  Working  upon  such  an  assumption  they  attacked 
him  from  every  angle.  Every  charge  that  had  been  brought 
against  him  in  the  campaign  of  1840  was  made  to  work  over- 
time. Van  Buren  had  never  been  popular  in  Illinois,  even 
though  he  had  carried  the  state's  vote  in  1836  and  1840;  and 
common  sense  on  the  part  of  the  Democrats  demanded  that  he 
be  not  nominated  in  1844,  particularly  after  it  was  evident  that 
the  attacks  of  the  Whigs  would  be  effective.  Had  the  leaders 

28For  report  of  the  convention,  see  Sangamo  Journal,  December  14, 
1843;  Alton  Telegraph,  December  16,  23,  1843.  Permanent  officers: 
president,  A.  Williams  (Adams)  ;  vice-presidents,  E.  H.  Gatewood  (Galla- 
tin),  L.  B.  Knowlton  (Peoria),  Joseph  Gillespie  (Madison)  ;  secretaries, 
J.  H.  Ruggles  (Scott),  B.  Bond  (Clinton). 

29Other  electors  were,  John  J.  Brown,  D.  M.  Woodson,  N.  Belcher, 
and  William  Brown. 

30State  senatorial  delegates  to  the  Whig  national  convention  were 
G.  T.  M.  Davis  and  L,  B.  Knowlton. 


126  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [126 

of  the  latter  party  had  the  foresight  to  see  the  trend  of  events, 
and  the  ability  to  restrain  the  rank  and  file  of  the  party  from 
premature  attack  on  Van  Buren,  the  outcome  of  the  election 
of  1844  might  have  been  materially  different.81 

With  Clay  nominated  by  the  Baltimore  Convention  as  stand- 
ard bearer  for  the  Whigs,  the  charge  of  bargain  against  him  and 
Adams  was  raised  by  the  opposition.32  Because  Jackson  con- 
tinued down  to  the  very  end  of  his  life  to  believe  in  the  charge, 
it  was  impossible  to  dispel  from  the  minds  of  many,  who  other- 
wise would  not  have  believed  the  story,  a  suspicion  that  the 
charge  was  founded  on  truth.  On  the  part  of  the  Whigs,  attempts 
to  prove  that  the  charge  was  unfounded  and  unjust  were  impera- 
tive. The  Whig  newspapers  devoted  considerable  space  to  a 
refutation  of  the  charge;  and  to  prove  their  contention  they 
quoted  letters  and  statements  from  men  who  had  been  associated 
with  the  principal  actors  of  the  drama,  and  who  declared  that 
there  was  no  foundation  for  the  charge.33  The  evidence  thus 
marshalled  in  defense  of  Clay  was,  to  the  minds  of  present  day 
scholars,  conclusive,  but  it  is  quite  certain  that  many  who  other- 
wise would  have  supported  Clay,  refused  to  do  so  because  they 
believed  that  he  with  Adams  had  "thwarted  the  popular  will" 
in  1825. 

In  an  effort  to  revive  the  enthusiasm  of  1840,  the  Whigs 
of  the  nation  had  large  gatherings  where  spell-binders  set  forth 
the  virtues  and  statesmanlike  qualities  of  Clay  as  well  as  the 
principles  upon  which  the  suffrage  of  the  people  was  asked.34 
At  the  Young  Men's  Whig  National  Convention  of  Ratification, 
held  at  Baltimore  in  1844,  it  was  reported  that  thirty-six  Whigs 
from  Illinois  were  in  attendance.35  If  such  was  the  case,  it 
indicates  the  degree  of  enthusiasm  that  must  have  pervaded  the 
ranks  of  the  party,  for  a  journey  from  Illinois  to  Baltimore  in 
1844  was  laborious  and  expensive  and  to  be  undertaken  only 

3lSpirit  of  '76,  May  11,  1844;  Broadside  (Hardin)  ;  Alton  Telegraph, 
December  30,  1843,  January  6,  27,  1844. 

^Nashville  (Tenn.)  Union,  1843-4,  Passim. 

^Spirit  of  '76,  April  25,  1844. 

3*Alton  Telfgraph,  December  30,  1843,  August  31,  1844  (quoting  from 
Albany  Argus,  Newark  Daily  Advertiser,  Cincinnati  Gazette,  New  York 
Post,  Plebeian  Globe,  Richmond  Enquirer,  Albany  Journal,  Baltimore 
American,  Louisville  Journal,  Missouri  Republican,  Lexington  Observer, 
Ohio  State  Journal,  and  Cincinnati  Atlas'). 

35 Spirit  of  '76,  May  11,  1844. 


127]  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES  127 

under  extraordinary  circumstances.  At  a  mass  meeting  held 
at  Nashville,  Tennessee,  in  August,  1844,  Edward  D.  Baker,  con- 
gressman-elect from  Illinois,  was  one  of  the  principal  speakers.38 
Both  these  performances  were  repeated  throughout  the  state  on 
a  smaller  scale.  Mass  meetings  were  held  at  which  Lincoln  and 
others  contrasted  the  known  ability  of  Clay  with  that  of  his 
relatively  unknown  opponent,  James  K.  Polk.37 

To  set  forth  more  effectively  the  issues  upon  which  the 
Whigs  wished  to  do  battle,  campaign  sheets  were  issued  from 
the  offices  of  the  principal  Whig  papers  in  the  state;38  and 
broadsides  in  which  the  Democratic  party  and  its  candidate 
were  bitterly  attacked  were  distributed  among  the  people.  These 
campaign  sheets  were  well  edited,  usually  by  the  leading  poli- 
ticians, and  on  the  whole  were  more  scurrilous  than  the  regular 
newspapers.  Intermingled  with  sound  arguments  and  just  ac- 
cusations, one  finds  much  that  is  untrue  and  apparently  intended 
only  to  ridicule  the  opponents  and  to  laugh  them  out  of  court  if 
possible.  Both  parties  issued  such  sheets,  and  the  editors  from 
whose  offices  they  were  issued  welcomed  them,  because  it  re- 
lieved them  of  offending  subscribers  of  opposite  political  faith 
by  printing  the  more  objectionable  matter  in  their  regular  issues. 

With  the  growth  of  the  abolitionist  spirit  in  Illinois  came 
a  corresponding  spirit  of  opposition.  The  principles  advocated 
by  the  abolitionists  had  never  been  popular  in  the  state,  and 
consequently  each  party  attempted  to  make  capital  of  the  fact 
by  claiming  that  the  opposing  candidate  was  an  abolitionist  or 
at  least  was  friendly  to  the  principles  of  that  party.39  Both 
Clay  and  Frelinghuysen,  who  had  been  nominated  for  vice- 
president  on  the  Whig  ticket,  were  charged  with  abolition  ten- 
dencies, but  denials  were  vehemently  made  by  the  Whig  press.40 
In  the  case  of  the  latter  it  was  pointed  out  in  the  most  emphatic 
terms  that  he  was  a  slave  owner;  Clay  on  his  part  denied  the 

^Republican  Banner,  August  26,  1844;  Alton  Telegraph,  August  31, 
September  7,  1844 ;  State  Register,  September  13,  1844. 

37 Alt  on  Telegraph,  August  31,  1844,  passim. 

38E.g.  Olive  Branch,  issued  from  office  of  Sangamo  Journal;  Sharp 
Stick,  published  at  Chillicothe,  Ohio ;  Spirit  of  '76,  from  office  of  Repub- 
lican Banner  (Nashville,  Tenn.). 

S9Spirit  of  '76,  May  n,  1844;  Hardin  (Broadside);  State  Register, 
August  i,  1844. 

40Spirit  of  '76,  May  25,  September  14,  1844. 


128  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [128 

charge  and  there  is  little  reason  to  believe  that  the  candidacy  of 
either  was  hurt  by  such  charges. 

Worn-out  issues  divided  interest  with  new  ones.  The  Dem- 
ocrats, called  "Polkers"41  by  the  Whigs,  kept  up  the  old  pre- 
tense that  the  Whigs  held  the  principles  of  the  old  Federalists, 
and  while  such  a  charge  must  have  had  its  effect  upon  some 
voters,  it  appears  to  have  lost  the  potency  it  had  possessed  in 
previous  campaigns.  The  Democrats  came  out  openly  against 
the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the  land  sales  among  the 
states,  while  the  Whigs  favored  such  a  scheme.42  Likewise  the 
former  party  favored  the  annexation  of  Texas.  The  Whigs  ap- 
proached that  question  with  considerable  hesitation.  In  order 
to  be  regular  the  Whig  press  opposed  annexation  during  the 
campaign,  and  afterwards  poured  out  their  wrath  upon  Tyler 
for  favoring  the  scheme,  but  it  would  appear  from  an  examina- 
tion of  the  files  of  these  papers  that  their  opposition  was  half- 
hearted and  halting.43  Many  men  from  Illinois  had  gone  into 
the  Texas  country,  and  their  reports  stimulated  those  remaining 
at  home  to  desire  that  that  great  empire  be  added  to  the  United 
States.  Something  inherent  in  the  western  country  made  its 
citizens  favor  expansion,  and  blinded  their  eyes  to  abstract  jus- 
tice. In  addition,  the  arguments  made  against  the  annexation 
of  Texas  by  those  opposed  to  the  expansion  of  slavery  failed  to 
have  their  full  effect  upon  the  people  of  Illinois,  and  when  it 
was  hinted  around  that  Great  Britain  had  designs  upon  the 
Texas  country,  many  regular  Whigs  broke  with  their  party. 

For  the  first  time  in  Illinois  politics  the  question  of  Native 
Americanism  assumed  alarming  proportions.  With  the  coming 
of  large  numbers  of  foreigners,  especially  from  Germany  and 
Ireland,  politics  took  on  a  new  tone  and  Americanism  became 
an  issue  that  would  not  down.  Each  party  of  course  desired  the 
supportfof  the  new  emigrants,  and  in  states  like  Illinois  where 
citizenship  was  not  a  prerequisite  for  voting,  the  scramble  for 
this  support  was  the  more  evident.44  Although  the  proportion 
of  foreign  vote  given  to  either  party  can  never  be  mathemat- 
ically determined,  there  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  the  Democrats 

41See  any  Illinois  newspaper  of  the  time,  also  G.  Churchill  to  G.  Flagg, 
December  3,  1844.     (Flagg  MSS.). 

42Nashville  Union,  June  6,  1844 ;  Alton  Telegraph,  February  4,  1843. 

4SSee  Alton  Telegraph,  October  19,  1844.    See  also  Baker's  reply  to  the 
question  of  annexation  in  State  Register,  July  12,  1844. 

44A11  white  males  twenty-one  years  of  age  and  over  were  entitled  to 
vote  after  a  residence  of  six  months.    Constitution  1818,  Art.  II.,  par.  27. 


129]  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES  129 

received  the  lion's  share  of  it.45  Following  what  were  called 
anti-foreign  riots  in  Philadelphia  in  1844,  the  Democratic  press 
in  Illinois  made  the  charge  that  the  rioters  were  Whigs,  and 
that  it  was  a  determined  policy  on  the  part  of  the  Whigs  as  a 
party  to  oppose  any  attempts  by  foreigners  to  take  part  in  the 
government.46  As  was  to  be  expected  the  Whig  newspapers 
denied  that  the  rioters  were  Whigs,  and  to  prove  their  position 
quoted  from  letters  purporting  to  have  been  written  by  promi- 
nent Philadelphians47  in  which  the  Democrats  were  said  to  be 
the  rioters.  In  addition  the  counter  charge  was  made  that  the 
rioters  were  Democrats,  and  that  Democratic  clubs  in  Philadel- 
phia had  adopted  measures  hostile  to  foreigners. 

During  the  campaign  the  Whigs  said  little  about  the  tariff. 
Apparently  the  leaders  of  that  party  were  satisfied  with  the 
tariff  act  of  1842.  Consequently  they  left  offensive  action  to  the 
Democrats,  who  appear  to  have  done  little  with  the  issue. 

In  addition  to  what  may  be  called  paramount  issues  such 
as  the  foreign  vote,  tariff,  banks,  expansion  of  territory  and 
abolition,  there  crept  in  and  colored  the  campaign  to  a  marked 
degree  others  of  a  more  or  less  personal  character.  The  Whig 
press  charged  that  Polk  had  branded  his  slaves,  had  opposed 
paying  pensions  to  Revolutionary  soldiers,  had  favored  the  an- 
nexation of  Texas  or  disunion,  and  that  he  was  merely  a  stool 
pigeon  for  designing  politicians  within  the  Democratic  ranks. 
The  Democrats  charged  Clay  with  being  a  duelist,  murderer, 
perjurer,  gambler,  Sabbath-breaker,  and  an  all  around  scalawag, 
and  that  he  held  political  principles  similar  to  those  held  by  the 
Hartford  Conventionists ;  furthermore  that  he  was  opposed  to 
equal  rights,  equal  privileges,  and  equal  laws.48  Charges  of  an 
even  more  trivial  nature  were  made  by  both  sides.  Folk's  aris- 
tocratic tendencies  were  shown  by  the  price  paid  for  the  chair 
he  used  while  speaker  of  the  National  House  of  Representa- 
tives; Clay's  private  life  was  laid  bare  by  his  political  enemies, 
and  the  people  were  called  upon  to  vindicate  "American  man- 
hood" by  rejecting  his  candicacy. 

Both  parties  made  strenuous  efforts  to  carry  the  Congres- 

45Koerner,  Memoirs,  Vol.  I.,  throws  light  on  this  subject. 
4&State  Register,  August  16,  1844,  passim. 
47 Alton  Telegraph,  September  28,  1844. 
48 State  Register,  August  23,  1844. 


130  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [130 

sional  election  in  August.49  It  was  considered  that  the  result 
of  that  election  would  be  a  criterion  of  the  presidential  election 
to  follow  on  the  first  Monday  in  November.50  In  some  of  the 
congressional  districts  the  Whigs  had  no  candidate,  in  others 
they  had  regular  candidates.  In  the  First  district  the  contest 
was  between  Robert  Smith  of  Madison  and  John  Reynolds  of 
St.  Clair.  The  former  seems  to  have  been  a  Whig  about  1836, 
while  the  latter  had  a  leaning  toward  that  party  at  opportune 
moments.  Both,  however,  were  avowed  Democrats  in  1844.  In 
the  Second  district  McClernand  had  no  organized  opposition. 
The  only  out  and  out  Whig  elected  to  Congress  was  Baker  from 
the  Seventh  district,  and  his  lead  over  his  Democratic  opponent 
was  too  slight  for  comfort.  Ficklin,  Wentworth,  Douglas,  and 
Hoge,  all  Democrats,  were  re-elected  by  substantial  majorities. 
The  election,  while  it  was  a  great  disappointment  to  the  Whigs, 
was  not  in  itself  an  exact  criterion  of  the  presidential  election, 
because  of  coalitions  in  several  districts,  and  the  tremendous 
personal  strength  of  such  men  as  Douglas,  Wentworth,  and  Mc- 
Clernand. The  Alton  Telegraph  voiced  the  opinion  of  its  party 
when  in  commenting  on  the  election  it  declared  that  Illinois  was 
the  "only  state  which  has  not  made  some  progress  in  bursting 
asunder  the  shackles  of  Locofocoism,  and  giving  some  evidence 
of  returning  sanity. '  '51 

On  the  whole  the  presidential  election  of  1844  resembled 
very  much  the  election  held  in  the  previous  August ;  in  both  the 
Whigs  were  decisively  beaten.  Clay  carried  scarcely  one-fourth 
of  the  counties,  and  in  several  of  these  his  majority  was  small ; 
in  several  of  them  the  combined  vote  of  the  Democrats  and 
Abolitionists  exceeded  his.  The  Clay  counties  may  be  grouped 
into  five  distinct  geographical  groups:  Coles,  Vermilion  and 
Cumberland  in  the  east  central  part;  Madison  and  Jersey  in 
the  southwest;  Sangamon  and  neighboring  counties  in  the  cen- 
tral part;  Edwards  and  Wabash  in  the  southeast;  and  a  con- 
tiguous territory  in  the  northwest  extending  from  Warren  and 
Knox  on  the  south  to  the  Wisconsin  line  on  the  north.  Thus 
but  'three  counties  south  of  the  mouth  of  the  Illinois  River  sup- 
ported Clay,  and  none  within  a  radius  of  sixty  miles  from 
Chicago.  The  abolition  vote  had  considerable  effect  upon  the 
election,  although  it  was  not  until  four  years  later  that  it  was 

49Congressional  elections  had  been   changed   from  odd  numbered  to 
even  numbered  years. 

*°State  Register,  July  26,  1844. 
61Alton  Telegraph,  August  17,  1844. 


131]  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  AND  NATIONAL,  POLICIES  131 

a  deciding  factor.  In  sixteen  counties  this  vote  was  worth  while. 
In  some,  either  the  one  or  the  other  of  the  old  parties  received 
a  majority ;  in  others,  the  successful  party  had  to  be  content  with 
a  plurality.  Between  the  August  election  and  the  November 
election  the  Whig  strength  increased  something  like  twelve  and 
one-half  per  cent.,  while  the  strength  of  the  Democrats  and  Abo- 
litionists each  showed  an  increase  of  about  five  per  cent.  Appar- 
ently the  Whigs  drew  from  the  Abolitionists,  many  of  whom 
supported  Clay  because  of  his  reputation  as  a  statesman,  or  be- 
cause they  had  formerly  been  Whigs.  In  those  counties  where 
the  Abolitionists  held  the  balance  of  power,  the  successful  candi- 
dates for  the  General  Assembly  were  usually  elected  by  plurality 
vote.52 

Clay's  defeat  was  a  hard  blow  to  his  most  zealous  followers, 
for  it  seems  to  have  been  the  consensus  of  opinion  that  never 
again  would  he  be  a  candidate  for  the  presidency.  Although 
there  was  a  feeling  that  an  unknown  candidate  would  have  made 
a  better  race  than  had  Clay,  no  one  could  deny  that  his  services 
both  at  home  and  abroad  merited  recognition  of  the  highest  or- 
der. The  reasons  offered  by  the  Whig  press  for  Clay's  defeat 
by  an  unheard-of  candidate  were  well  put  by  one  editor :  ' '  The 
diversion  made  in  favor  of  its  old  opponents  by  the  partisans 
of  the  accidental  executive,  by  a  large  portion  of  the  abolition 
party  and  above  all,  by  the  foreign  population,  naturalized  and 
unnaturalized — who,  deceived  by  the  grossest  misrepresentations 
have  been  induced  to  rally  almost  to  a  man  .  .  .  has  turned  the 
scale  in  favor  of  the  locofocos;  and  thus  enabled  them,  once 
more,  to  riot  on  'the  spoils  of  victory.'  "53  Stung  by  defeat,  the 
more  ardent  Whigs  denounced  the  foreign  vote  cast  for  Polk, 
and  declared  that  in  spite  of  Clay's  defeat,  he  had  been  sup- 
ported by  a  majority  of  those  in  whose  hands  the  Constitution 
intended  to  place  the  selection  of  presidents.  The  expressions 
of  some  were  truly  pathetic,  even  prophetic.  They  saw  free 
trade,  nullification,  disunion,  and  the  extension  of  slavery  as 
the  logical  result  of  Folk's  victory.54  In  their  hearts  they  cursed 
Tyler  as  the  evil  spirit  that  had  brought  defeat,  and  in  their 
despair  took  consolation  in  the  belief  that  he  of  all  public  men 
in  the  country  was  hated  the  most. 

S2See  MSS.  Election  Returns,  (Secretary  of  State's  Office,  Springfield, 
Illinois.) 

53AIton  Telegraph,  November  23,  1844. 
54 Alt on  Telegraph,  November  23,  30,  1844. 


APPENDIX. 

Under  the  first  state  Constitution,  which  was  in  force  from 
1818  to  1848,  the  election  for  members  of  the  General  Assembly 
was  held  on  the  first  Monday  of  August  in  even  numbered  years  ; 
and  the  regular  session  of  each  General  Assembly  convened  on 
the  first  Monday  of  December  following  each  election.  Senators 
were  elected  for  four  years  and  representatives  for  two  years. 
The  Ninth  General  Assembly  (1834-36),  was  composed  of  26 
senators  and  55  representatives;  the  Tenth  (1836-38),  the  Elev- 
enth (1838-40),  and  the  Twelfth  (1840-42),  of  40  senators  and 
91  representatives;  the  Thirteenth  (1842-44)  and  the  Fourteenth 
(1844-46)  of  41  senators  and  121  representatives.  Important 
variations  from  the  apportionments  are  explained  in  the  text, 
but  there  never  was  any  variation  from  any  of  the  apportion- 
ments "owing  to  a  variation  of  population,"  as  is  sometimes 
stated. 

It  is  hoped  that  the  political  affiliations  noted  below  are 
correct,  although,  as  will  be  noticed,  there  are  a  few  cases  in 
which  some  doubt  is  expressed.  The  authorities  for  making  the 
determination  of  political  affiliation  are  newspapers,  political 
votes  in  the  General  Assembly,  histories  of  Illinois,  reminis- 
cences, county  histories,  county  archives,  state  archives,  and 
personal  letters  and  inquiries. 

SENATE 

Name  Politics   pth    loth  nth    I2th  I3th  I4th 

Allen,  James  ......................................  _  .....  Whig 

Allen,  John  ____________________________________  .........  Dem.  *  *' 

Allen,  Willis  _________________________________  Dem.  * 

Baker,  Edward  D  __________________________  .Whig 

Barnett,  Robert  ____________  ........................  Dem. 

Blackwell,  Robert  ___________________________  Whig  * 

Boal,  Robert  ___________________________________________  Whig 

Bond,  Benjamin  __________________  .........  ___  Whig      * 

Borough,  Joseph  ..........  ____________________  Dem. 

Bostwick,  Manoah  ......  „  ......................  Dem. 

Browning,  Orville  H  ---------------  Whig 


2Vice  Turney. 

132 


133] 


APPENDIX 


133 


Name 


Politics   gth    loth  nth    I2th  I3th  I4th 


Buford,  John Dem. 


Butler,  Peter  

Whig 
Dem. 
Dem. 
Whiff 

Catlin,  Seth  
Cavarly,  Alfred  W  
Churchill,  George 

Constable,  Charles  H.__ 
Craig,  Larkin 

Whig 

DPTTI. 

Crain,    John 

Dflm. 

Cullom,  Richard  N. 

Whig 

Davidson,  William  H  — 
Davis,   .Taooh  CT 

Whig 

Dem. 

Dougherty,    John 

_    Denn. 

Dun  lap,   Samuel  ,    , 

Whig 

TCrl  wards,  Cyrus 

Whig 

Edwards.  Ninian  W..... 

_.Whisr 

English,  ReviU  W Dem. 

Evans,  Aiken Dem. 

Ewing,  William  Lee  Davis Dem. 

Dem. 


Fithian,   William     ..... 

Whig 

Flptp.her,    Job 

Whig 

Forman,    Ferris 

,  ,       .     DPTTI. 

Forquer,  George  
Gaston,  William 

Dem. 

DPTTI  , 

Gatewood,  William  J  — 
Gibbs,  Worthington  J  — 
Gillham,  James  
Greer,  Abner  .          

(') 

Dem. 
Dem. 
...Whig 

Hackelton,    Samuel 

Dem. 

Hacker,  John  S  

Dem. 

*< 


3Unseated. 

4Resigned. 

*Vice  Taylor. 

"Resigned. 

7Gatewood  was  elected  to  the  General  Assembly  in  1836  as  a  Whig, 
and  during  the  first  session  voted  with  the  Whigs.  By  the  beginning  of 
the  second  session,  July  10,  1837,  he  was  a  Democrat.  He  continued  in 
that  political  faith  until  his  death.  See  State  Register,  August  4,  1837, 
June  8,  October  12,  1838;  Snyder,  Snyder,  p.  201. 

"Unseated. 

9Resigned. 


134  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS       .  [134 

Name  Politics   gth    loth  nth    I2th  i3th  I4th 

Hamlin,  John Whig  *      *       * 

Harris,  John Dem.  *       *      * 

Harrison,  George  W Whig  *       *       *      * 

Harrison,  Reuben Whig  *10 

Henry,  John. 

Herndon,  Archer  G 

Hoard,  Samuel 

Houston,  John. 
Hunter,   Williai 

James,  James  A 

Johnson,  Benjamin- 
Johnson,  Noah 

Jones,  Waller 

Judd,  Norman  B 

Kilpatrick,  Thomas  M. 

Lane,  Levin 

Leviston,   George 

Little,  Sidney  H 

McGahey,   David- 


McLaughlin,  Robert  K Dem. 

McMillan,   William Dem.  * 

McMurtry,   William Dem. 

Markley,   David Dem.  *M     *      *"     * 

Mather,  Thomas.™. Whig      *" 

"Unseated. 

11 Vice  Forquer.  Herndon  voted  with  the  Whigs  to  endorse  the  can- 
didacy of  Hugh  L.  White  for  president.  At  that  time  and  afterward  he 
emphatically  denied  that  he  was  anything  but  an  orthodox  Democrat.  See 
Sangamo  Journal,  June  20,  28,  August  22,  1835;  July  g,  1836;  State  Register, 
October  12,  November  2,  1838;  Niks'  Register,  LIX.,  57;  History  of 
Sangamon  County  (Interstate  Pub.  Co.),  p.  273;  Newton,  Lincoln  and 
Herndon,  p.  6, 

"Died. 

"Lane  voted  with  Whigs  to  endorse  candidacy  of  Hugh  L.  White. 
He  also  lined  up  with  the  Whigs  against  the  nominating  convention  sys- 
tem. See  Senate  Journal,  1834-5,  PP-  ?6,  510.  In  1837  Lane  voted  for 
Davidson  (Whig)  for  speaker  of  the  senate.  He  and  Davidson  were 
from  adjoining  counties,  which  may  explain  his  defection  in  this  case. 

™Vice  Hackelton. 

"Resigned. 

"Resigned. 


135]  APPENDIX  135 

Name  Politics   gth    loth  nth   I2th  I3th  I4th 

Matteson,  Joel  A Dem. 

Maxwell,  George  W.  P Dem.       *       * 

Mills,  Henry  I Whig      *       *       * 

Minard,  Ira Dem.  *       * 

Mitchell,  Benjamin Dem.        *       *       * 

Monroe,  Byrd .Whig  *       * 

Moore,  James  B Whig 

Moore,  John Dem. 

Morrison,  Joseph Dem. 

Murray,  John Whig 

Noel,  Lunsford  E Dem.       *       * 

Nunnally,  Nelson  W Dem.  *       *       *       * 

O'Eear,   William Whig  *       * 

Owen,  Thomas  H Dem. 

Parker,  Nathaniel Dem. 

Parrish,  Braxton Dem.       *"** 

Pearson,  John. Dem. 

Peck,  Ebenezer Dem. 

Powers,  George  W Whig  * 

Pruyne,  Peter Dem.  * 

Ealston,  James  H Dem.  *      *21 

Eattan,  Thomas Dem.       * 

Eeilly,  John  C Dem.  * 

Richardson,  William  A Dem.  *       * 

Eoss,  William Whig  *      *       * 

Euggles,  Spooner Whig  *       * 

Eyan,   Michael Dem. 

Sargeant,  William  L Whig  **     * 

Servant,  Eichard  B Whig      *23     *       * 

Slocum,  Eigdon  B — Dem.  *       * 

Smith,  George  _ Whig  *       * 

Smith,  Jacob Dem.  * 

Snyder,  Adam  W Dem.       * 

"Unseated,  re-elected.    Took  seat  on  January  7,  1843. 

™Vice  John  D.  Whiteside. 

™Vice  Will. 

20Resigned. 

"Resigned. 

zzV\ce  Thomas. 

2Wice  Mather. 


136  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [136 

Name  Politics   pth    loth  nth    I2th  I3th  I4th 

Stadden,  William _ Dem.  *       *       • 

Stapp,  Wyatt  B....._ Whig  •      * 

Stephenson,  James  W... Dem.       *" 

Strode,  James  M Dem.       *" 

Taylor,  Edmund  D Dem.       *M 

Thomas,  William  .._ _....Whig      *       *       *" 

Thompson,  W.  W Dem.  *       * 

Turney,  James  Dem.  *       *" 

Vance,  John  W _ Whig      *       * 

Vande venter,  Jacob Dem.  *       * 

Warren,  Peter _ „ Dem.  *       *       *       *       * 

Waters,  George  W ..Whig  *       * 

Weatherford,  William  B Dem.       »"     *       * 

Webb,  Edwin  B Whig  * 

Whiteside,  James  A Whig      *30     * 

Whiteside,  John  D Dem.  *w 

Wight,  A.  G.  S Whig  * 

Wilbanks,  E.  A.  D ...Dem.  *       * 

Will,  Conrad Dem.       *°* 

Williams,  Archibald .Whig      * 

Williamson,  William  Dem.       * 

Witt,  Franklin  Dem.  *       * 

Wood,  John  D Dem.  *       *       * 

Woodworth,  James  H Dem. 

Worthington,  Thomas Whig  *       * 

Wynne,  J.  E „ „ Dem.  *       * 

"Resigned. 

25Vice  Stephenson. 

26Resigned. 

27Resigned. 

28Resigned. 

z9Vice  Jones. 

30Claimed  by  Whig  papers  as  a  Whig,  by  the  Democratic  papers  as  a 
Democrat.  See  Sangamo  Journal,  December  17,  1830;  State  Register,  July 
6,  1838,  September  14,  1839.  Whiteside  voted  with  Whigs  to  endorse 
candidacy  of  Hugh  L.  White;  voted  with  Democrats  to  condemn  United 
States  Bank.  See  Senate  Journal,  1834-5,  P-  76.  Because  he  gave  evidence 
of  lining  up  with  the  Whigs  at  this  time  and  later,  Whiteside  is  here 
listed  as  a  member  of  that  party. 

31Resigned. 

S2Died. 

83 Vice  Peck. 


137]  APPENDIX  137 

HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES 

Name  Politics   gth    loth  nth    I2th  I3th  I4th 

Able,  Wilson Dem.       *       *       *M     * 

Adams,  Darius  Whig 

Adams,  E.  Dem. 

Aldrich,  Cyrus  Whig 

Aldrich,  Mark Whig  *       * 

Aldrich,  Robert  Whig  * 

Alexander,  Harmon Dem. 

Alexander,  W Dem. 

Allen,  John Dem. 

Allen,  Willis Dem.  * 

Ames,  Alfred  E. Dem. 

Anderson,  Samuel  Dem.    . 

Anderson,  Stinson  H Dem.        *" 

Anderson,  William  G Dem.  *       * 

Andrus,  Leonard _ -Whig  * 

Archer,  William  B...... Whig  *       * 

Arenz,  Francis  Whig 

Armstrong,  George  W — Dem.  * 

Arnold,  Isaac  N._ __ Dem. 

Atwater,  Thomas  Dem.  * 

Babbitt,  A.  W Dem.  * 

Backenstos,  J.  B Dem. 

Bailey,  William  W Whig  * 

Bailhache,  John Whig  * 

Bainbridge,  Allen Dem.  * 

Baker,  Edward  D Whig  *M     * 

Baldwin,  Daniel  __ Dem.  * 

Ball,  Asel  F Whig  * 

Barnett,  George  _..Dem.  * 

Barnett,  Robert Dem. 

Barnsback,  George Whig  * 

Bartlett,  S.  M __ Whig  *" 

Beall,  James  Whig  * 

Bell,  Robert Dem.  * 

Benedict,  Kirby  _ __ Dem. 

3*Vice  Webb. 
35Resigned. 

36  Vice  Stone. 

37  Vice  Charles. 


138  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [138 

Name  Politics  gth   loth  nth   i2th  i3th  i4th 

Bennett,  John .Whig  * 

Bentley,  Richard  Dem.  *  * 

Berry,  Isaac  S Dem.  * 

Bibbens,  Elisha Dem.  * 

Bishop,  Mahlon Dem.  * 

Bissell,  William  H „. Dem.  * 

Blackford,  Nathaniel Dem.       "" 

Blackman,  David  J Dem.  * 

Blackwell,  Robert Whig      * 

Blair,  William Dem.  *       * 

Blakeman,  Curtis „ „ _ Whig  * 

Blockberger,  C.  B Dem.       * 

Bone,  Elisha  Whig  * 

Bowman,  Joseph  G Whig  *** 

Bowyer,  George  P Dem.       * 

Boyakin,  H.  P Dem.  * 

Bradford,  James  M Whig  * 

Bradley,  Richard  A Dem.  *       * 

Brinkley,  William -.Dem.  *       * 

Brown,  Benjamin  D Whig  * 

Brown,  James  N „.. Whig  *       * 

Brown,  John Dem.  *  * 

Brown,  John  J „ Whig  * 

Brown,  William  Whig      * 

Browning,  Orville  H Whig 

Bryant,  John  H Dem. 

Buckmaster,  Nathaniel  Dem.       *40 

Burklow,  John  D _ Dem.  * 

Burnett,  John  M Dem. 

Busey,  Matthew  W Dem.  *       * 

Butler,  H Dem.  * 

Butler,  Peter _ ....Dem.       * 

Caldwell,  William Whig  * 

Calhoun,  John Dem.  *" 

Campbell,  Joseph Dem. 

Canady,  John  Whig  *      * 

z*Vice  McHenry. 
s°Vice  Smith. 
40Vice  Thomas. 
"Resigned. 


APPENDIX  139 

Name  Politics   pth   loth  nth    I2th  I3th  I4th 

Carpenter,  Milton Dem.       *       *       *       * 

Carpenter,  "William  Dem.       * 

Cavarly,  Alfred  W Dem.  * 

Charles,  Elijah Whig  *" 

Charles,  John  F Whig  * 

Churchill,  George .Whig  * 

Churchill,  Joseph  W Dem.  * 

Clark,  Benjamin  A Dem.        *43 

Cloud,  Newton Dem.       *       *       * 

Cochran,  John Dem. 

Collins,  Addison Dem. 

Comphor,  William Dem. 

Compton,  John Dem. 

Connelly,  Samuel Dem. 

Copeland,  James Dem. 

Courtwright,  Isaac Dem. 

Cox,  David  Dem. 

Cox,  Jeremiah  . .Whig 

Craig,  Basil  B r Dem.       *4T 

Craig,  James ... -..Whig 

Grain,  John Dem. 

Cullom,  Eichard  N Whig  * 

Cunningham,  James  T Whig      *       *«     *       * 

Cushman,  W.  H.  W Dem. 

Daley,  Edward  M Dem. 

Danner,  Jacob  J._ Dem. 

Darnielle,  John Whig 

Davidson,  William Dem. 

Davis,  Cyrus  A Dem. 

Davis,  David Whig 

Davis,  James  M _...Whig 

Davis,  John  T — Dem. 

Dawson,  John  Whig      *       *       * 

42Resigned. 

"Died. 

"Vice  French. 

43 Vice  Enloe. 

"Died. 

47  Vice  Dougherty. 

**Vice  Linder. 


140  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [140 

Name  Politics   pth    loth  nth    I2th  ijth  I4th 

Dement,  John Dem.  *** 

Denning,  William  A Dem.  * 

Dennis^  Elias  S Dem.  * 

Denny,  John  Whig  * 

Deskines,  John  Dem. 

Diarmon,  Jonathan Dem.  * 

Dickinson,  Andrew  J Dem.  * 

Dodge,  Abram  B Dem.  * 

Dollins,  Achilles  D Dem.  *  *      * 

Dougherty,  John  Dem.       *=°     «  » 

Dougherty,  Willis Dem.  * 

Douglas,  John __ Dem.  * 

Douglas,  Stephen  A Dem. 

Drummond,  Thomas Whig  * 

Dubois,  Jesse  K Whig      *       *       *  » 

Dunbar,  Alexander  P Whig  *  * 

Dunlap,  Samuel  Dem.  * 

Dunn,  Charles Dem. 

Dunn,  Tarlton Whig  *SI     * 

Edmonston,  William Dem.  *       * 

Edwards,  Cyrus Whig  * 

Edwards,  Lorenzo  Whig  * 

Edwards,  Ninian  W Whig  *       * 

Elkin,  William  F Whig  *       * 

Elliott,  Asa  __ Whig      *  * 

Emmerson,  Allen  .Whig  *       * 

Emmerson,  R. _ Whig  * 

English,  Eevill  W Dem.  *       *       * 

Enloe,  Benjamin  S Dem. 

Epler,  David Dem. 

Erwin,  Hugh _ _ .Whig  * 

Ewing,  Charles  F Whig  * 

Ewing,  William  Lee  Davis Dem.  *5'     *       * 

49Resigned. 

50Resigned. 

"Resigned. 

MVice  McClernand. 

"Resigned. 

**Vice  Dement. 


141]  APPENDIX  141 

Name  Politics   Qth    loth  nth    I2th  I3th  I4th 

Ficklin,  Orlando  B (H)          *3*  *  * 

Fisk,  Josiah Dem.  * 

Fithian,  WiUiam Whig      * 

Flanders,  Abner Dem.  * 

Fletcher,  Job  Whig  * 

Flood,  William  G Dem.  *'* 

Foster,  Hardy Dem.  * 

Fowler,  Joseph Dem.  * 

Francis,  Josiah  Whig  * 

Frazier,  Elijah  S Dem.        * 

French,  Augustus  C Dem.  *M     *M 

Froman,  Isaac Whig  * 

Funk,  Isaac Whig  * 

Funkhouser,  Presley Dem.  * 

Galbraith,  George Dem.  *a 

Garrett,  Peter  B Whig  * 

Gillespie,  Joseph Whig  * 

Gillham,  William Whig  * 

Glass,  Robert  W Whig  * 

Gobble,  Sergeant  Dem.  * 

Gordon,  William Whig       * 

Gouge,  Jesse  W Dem.  **" 

55During  the  early  years  of  the  Whig  party,  Ficklin  was  one  of  its 
ablest  and  most  active  members.  He  disagreed,  however,  with  his  col- 
leagues on  the  Bank  question.  In  1835  he  was  editor  of  a  Whig  newspaper 
at  Mt.  Carmel.  See  Illinois  Advocate,  January  13,  1836.  In  1838  the 
State  Register  claimed  him  as  a  Democrat  on  the  following  ground :  "We 
have  placed  Ficklin  in  Democratic  list  because  of  his  hostility  to  Clay 
and  support  of  sub-treasury  system."  Two  weeks  later  (October  26) 
Ficklin  stated  his  political  position  as  follows :  "I  have  uniformly  ad- 
vocated a  strict  construction  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  as 
understood  by  the  State  Right's  party,  and  the  curtailment  of  Executive 
patronage  within  the  narrowest  possible  limits.  ...  I  am  supporter  of 
the  Sub-Treasury  bill  .  .  .  am  opposed  to  the  election  of  Mr.  Clay  in  the 
ensuing  contest  for  the  Presidency.  I  do  not  expect  to  support  him  in 
any  event." 

56  Resigned. 

"Resigned. 

"Resigned. 

59Died. 

MVice  Reddick.  Reddick  died  before  session  convened.  Strictly  speak- 
ing Reddick  was  not  a  member  of  the  nth  General  Assembly. 


142  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [142 


Name 
Graham,  Resolve 

Politics 

pth   loth  nth 

Graves,  Hubbard  _  
Green,  John  
Green,  Joseph 

Whig 
Dem. 

O 

»«     « 

* 

Green,  Peter 

.  _Dem. 

*       * 

Gregg,  David  L  
Gregory,  Charles  
Gridley,  Asahel  
Hackelton,  Samuel 

Dem. 
Whig 
Whig 
..  Dem. 

* 
* 

Haley,  Maximilian 

Whig 

Hambaugh,  Stephen 

D.          Dem. 

Hamlin,  John 

Whig 

«<« 

Hampton,  James  .. 

T  Dem. 

* 

Hankins,  William  J._ 
Hannaford,  Levi  A.. 
Hanson,  George  M  — 
Happy,  William  W._ 
Hardie,  H  
Hardin,  John  J  
Harlan,  Moses  

Dem  . 
_.Dem. 
Whig 
Dem  . 
Whig 
Whig 
.    _  Whig 

*       * 

*       * 
*       * 

Harper,  Joshua  
Harreld,  James  
Harriott,  James  

Whig 
Dem. 
.    __  Whig 

* 

Harris,  John  ..  

Dem. 

*       *       * 

Hatch,  Jeduthan  
Henderson,  William 
Hendry,  William  
Henry,  John  

Dem. 
H  Whig 
Dem. 
.  .     .  _Whig 

* 
*                * 

Henshaw,  George  

o 

Dem  . 

* 

* 
* 

*        * 

*  * 

* 

* 

*  * 

* 


* 

*  * 

*  * 


* 


* 
*  * 


61  Politics  uncertain.  His  colleagues  from  same  county  were  Whigs, 
and  his  successor,  who  was  elected  at  special  election  after  Graham's 
death,  was  Whig. 

«2Died. 

93Vice  Lane.    Green  died  during  the  next  session. 

64Green  was  considered  to  be  a  Whig  by  many  of  his  colleagues  in 
the  General  Assembly.  See  State  Register,  January  4,  1840.  He  voted 
in  1836,  however,  with  Democrats  in  support  of  Jackson's  administration. 

"Resigned. 

MVice  Comphers.  From  available  information  it  is  not  known  whether 
Comphers  died  or  resigned.  Hence  no  note  after  his  name. 


143]  APPENDIX  143 

Politics    gth    loth  nth    I2th  I3th  I4th 


Name 
Herndon,  William  H  
Hinlr,   Thomas  S 

Politics 
Whig 
DPTTI, 

Hinlrrnan,  William 

......Whig 

HiokSj  Stephen  G, 

T)pmr 

Hinton,  Alfred  
Hitt,  Sarnnpl  M. 

Dem. 
Whig 

Hogan,  John      

Whig 

Holmes,  William  
Horney,  Samuel  

Whig 
Dpm. 

Houston,   John        

...Dem. 

Howard.  Jonathan  B  

.„.  ..Dem. 

Huffman,  Samuel Whig 

Hughes,  John  D Dem. 

Hughey,  Joseph  Dem. 

Hull,  Alden Whig  *       * 

Humphrey,  John  G Dem. 

Hunsacker,  James  J — Dem. 

Hunt,  Thomas Whig       *       * 

Hunter,  William Dem. 

Jackson,  Aaron  C Whig 

Jackson,  B.  M Dem. 

Jackson,  William  M Dem. 

Janney,  Eldridge  S Dem. 

Jarrot,  Vital Whig  * 

Jewell,  E.  G Dem.  * 

Johnson,  Benjamin  Whig 

Jonas,  Abraham Whig 

Jones.  Gabriel Whig 

Kelly  ^  John  M Dem.  * 

Kendall,  Samuel  T .Whig  * 

Kent,  Germanicus  Whig 

Kercheval,  Gholson Dem. 

Kerr,  Richard _. Dem.  *" 

Kirkpatrick,  John  ..Dem. 

67Kerr  had  removed  to  Iowa  after  the  regular  session  of  1838-9. 
Evidently  his  constituents  considered  that  he  had  removed  from  the  state, 
for  they  elected  Love  to  fill  out  his  unexpired  term.  Kerr  took  the 
opposite  view.  He  appeared  before  the  house  and  convinced  that  body 
that  he  was  still  a  citizen  of  Illinois  and  hence  entitled  to  his  place, 
whereupon  Kerr  was  seated  and  Love's  claim  was  rejected. 


144  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [144 

Name  Politics  gth   loth  nth   I2th  i3th  i4th 

Kitchell,  Wickliffe  Dem.  * 

Koerner,  Gustav „._ Dem.  * 

Kuykendall,  Andrew  J Dem.  *       * 

Lagow,  Wilson  „ Dem.  * 

Lane,   William Dem.  *"' 

Langworthy,  Cyrus  Whig  * 

Laughlin,  William Dem.  * 

Lawler,  John  S Dem.  * 

Leary,  Albert  G __ Dem.  *  * 

Leighton,  James Whig  * 

Lester,  Harvey  Dem.  * 

Lincoln,  Abraham  Whig      *       *       *       * 

Linder,  Usher  F (")  *™ 

Link,  Lewis  W „.._ _._Dem.       *71 

Lockard,  James  ....:.... __ Whig  *       * 

Logan,  John  Dem.  *       *       * 

Logan,  Stephen  T Whig  *       * 

Loop,  James  L _ Dem.  * 

Lott,  Peter Dem.  * 

Love,  Oscar Dem.  *" 

Loy,  Thomas  M „._ Dem.  * 

Lyons,  James  H Whig  *       * 

McBride,  William  Dem.  * 

McClernand,  John  A Dem.  *"  *       * 

McClurken,  James Dem.  * 

McCormick,  Andrew  Whig  *       * 

McCown,  John Dem.  * 

McCutchen,  Jesse  M __ Whig  * 

McDonald,  John Dem.  *       *       * 

McDonald,  John Dem.  * 

68Resigned. 

69Linder  was  Democrat  until  about  1839.  See  Linder,  Early  Bench 
and  Bar  of  Illinois,  228,  281.  In  1842,  he  was  Whig  candidate  for  General 
Assembly  and  in  1844  a  Whig  candidate  for  presidential  elector.  He 
supported  Douglas  in  1858  and  was  a  delegate  to  the  Democratic  National 
Convention  at  Charleston  in  1860. 

70Resigned. 

71  Resigned. 

"See  note  on  Kerr. 

"Resigned. 


145]  APPENDIX  145 

Name  Politics   gth    loth   nth    I2th    I3th   I4th 

McGahey,  James  D Dem.       *T< 

McGinnis,  John  P Dem. 

McHenry,  William „ Dem.        *" 

McLean,  James  M Whig 

McMillan,  Andrew _.....Dem.  * 

McMillan,  Robert  Whig  * 

McMurtry,    William.. Dem.  * 

Me  Williams,  James  „ Dem.  * 

Madden,  Henry  _ _ Dem.  *  * 

Manley,  Uri  Dem.       * 

Manning,  Julius Dem. 

Marrs,  William  B _ Dem.  * 

Marshall,  James  Dem.  *       * 

Marshall,  Samuel  D Whig  * 

Matthews,  Samuel  T Whig  * 

Maus,  William  S Dem.  * 

Menard,  Edmund _Whig  * 

Menard,  Pierre  _ Whig 

Metz,  Benjamin  B _ Whig  * 

Miller,  Anson  S Whig  * 

Miller,  Harvey  L _ Dem.  *       * 

Miller,  William Dem.  * 

Minor,   Gideon  Dem.  * 

Minshall,  William  A Whig  *  * 

Mitchell,  Edward Whig  * 

Moore,  Daniel  P Dem. 

Moore,  John  Dem.  *       * 

Moore,  William  „ Whig      *       * 

Moore,  William  J Whig  * 

Morgan,  Edward  T. Dem.  * 

Morrille,  Jacob  C Dem. 

Morris,  R.  G Dem.  * 

Morrison,  J.  L.  D Whig  * 

Morton,  Joseph Dem.  * 

Munsell,  Leander  Whig 

Murphy,  John  H Whig  *       * 

Murphy,  Richard Dem. 

Murphy,  Richard  G Dem.       *       *       *       * 

Myers,  Elias  B Whig  * 

74Died. 
"Died. 


146  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [146 

Name  Politics   Qth    loth  nth    12th  I3th  I4th 

Nance,  Thomas  J Dem.  •" 

Naper,  Joseph Dem.  *       * 

Nesbitt,  Samuel  G Dem.  * 

Norris,  James Dem.  * 

Nowlan,  David  Dem.  *7T 

Nunnally,  Nelson  W Dem.       * 

Nye,  Iram Dem.  * 

O'Connor,  Ambrose Dem.  * 

O'Neille,  Edward  J Whig  * 

Odam,  Dempsey Dem.  *  * 

Oglesby,  John  M Dem.  * 

Olds,  Francis  A Dem.  * 

Oliver,  John  Dem.       *  * 

Ormsbee,  Joseph  W Dem.  * 

Otwell,  William  Whig  * 

Outhouse,  James  Dem. 

Owen,  Thomas  H Dem. 

Pace,  Harvey  T Dem. 

Parkinson,  James Whig  * 

Parrish,  Braxton Dem.  * 

Parsons,  Solomon Dem.  * 

Paullen,  Parvin Dem.  * 

Peck,  Ebenezer Dem. 

Penn,  Philip Dem.  * 

Phelps,  William  J Whig  * 

Phillips,  Alexander Whig  *       * 

Pickering,  William  Whig  *       * 

Pitner,  Franklin  R Dem.  * 

Porter,  David  „. Dem.       *:" 

Pratt,  John  W Whig  *       * 

Prentice,  Owen Dem. 

Prevo,  Samuel Dem. 

Ralston,  James  H Dem.  * 

Randolph,  William  H Whig 

Rawalt,  Jonas Whig  *       * 

Rawlings,  Isaac  D Whig 

Read,  John  W Whig  * 

™Vice  Calhoun. 

"Died. 

78 Vice  Anderson. 

79Vice  McGahey. 


147]  APPENDIX  147 

Name  Politics   gth    loth  nth    I2th  I3th  I4th 

Reddick,  William  G Dem.  *       *w 

Reed,  J.  H Dem.  * 

Reynolds,  James Whig 

Richardson,  William  A Dem.  *  * 

Ricks,  William  S Dem.  * 

Robbins,  E.  W Dem.  * 

Roberts,  Louis, Whig 

Robinson,  Jeffrey Dem.  *<a 

Roman,  William  W Dem.  * 

Ross,  Lewis  W Dem.  * 

Ross,  William Whig      * 

Rowan,  Stephen  R. Dem.       *s2 

Scarborough,  George  Dem.  * 

Scott,  James  K Dem. 

Scott,  John  Dem. 

Scott,  John  .....Dem. 

Semple,  James  Dem.       *       * 

Sexton,  Orville  Dem. 

Sharp,  Joseph  L Dem.  *       * 

Shepley,  Oliver Dem. 

Sherman,  Francis  C — Dem. 

Shields,  James  Dem. 

Shirley,  John Dem. 

Simms,  Hall Dem.  *"  * 

Smith,  Benjamin  L Dem. 

Smith,  Edward Dem.       *S4     *       *83 

Smith,  George Whig 

Smith,  Guy  W _._Whig  * 

Smith,  Henry  .Whig 

Smith,  Joseph „_ Whig 

Smith,  Robert Dem.  *       * 

Smith,  William Dem. 

Spicer,  Reuben  H Dem. 

Stapp,  Wyatt  B .Whig 

80See  note  on  Gouge. 

"Resigned. 

82Resigned. 

S3Vice  French. 

**Vice  Ficklin. 

85Died. 


148  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [148 

Name  Politics  gth   loth  nth   i2th  i3th  I4th 

Starkweather,  Elisha  H (")  « 

Starne,  Alexander  Dem.  *       * 

Starr,  Eichard  W ™Whig  •"  * 

Steele,  John Dem.  * 

Stewart,  Hart  L Dem.  *       * 

Stewart,  Robert  Whig  * 

Stockton,  William  S ..Whig  » 

Stone,  Daniel  Whig  •" 

Strong,  N.  D Whig  • 

Stuart,  John  T Whig      * 

Stuntz,  John  Dem.  * 

Summerville,  John  A Dem.  *" 

Tackerberry,  Middleton  „_. Dem.  * 

Thomas,  Cheney  Whig  * 

Thomas,  Jesse  B.,  Jr Dem.       **° 

Thomas,  John  Dem.  * 

Thompson,  Amos  Dem.  *       * 

Thompson,  John  „ Dem.       *M 

Thompson,  Samuel  G (")  * 

Thornton,  Hiram  W Whig  * 

Thornton,  William  F Whig  •" 

Threlkeld,  Thomas Whig  * 

Trower,  Thomas  B Dem.       * 

Troy,  Daniel  Whig  * 

Trumbull,  Lyman  Dem.  * 

Tunnel,  Calvin  Dem.       *  * 

Turley,  John  S Dem.  *  * 

Turner,  Horace  Dem.  * 

Turney,  Daniel Dem.  *       #«     « 

Turney,  James Dem.       ** 

86See  ante  p.  105  n. 

8TJ/ic<?  Flood. 

88Resigned. 

69Vice  Nowlan. 

90Resigned. 

"Died. 

92Claimed  by  Democratic  press  as  a  Democrat.  See  State  Register, 
January  4,  1800.  Voted  with  Whigs  in  1836,  however,  to  condemn  Jack- 
son's administration. 

"Resigned. 

94Vice  Robinson. 

•*Vice  Link. 


149]  APPENDIX  149 


Name 
Vance,  P.  C  

Politics    pth 
Dem. 

loth  nth    I2th  I3th  I4th 

* 

* 

* 
*        * 
* 
* 
* 
* 
* 
* 
* 
* 
*«• 
* 
*        *        * 
*« 
* 
* 
* 
*                 * 
* 
* 
*        * 
* 
* 
* 
*                         * 
* 
* 
*<»     * 
* 
#s" 
* 
*        * 
* 

Vandeveer,  Horatio  M.  

Dem. 

Vandeventer,  Jacob 

Dem        * 

Vedder,  F.  P. 

Dem. 

Vineyard,  Philip 

Dem. 

Voris,  Francis  

Whiff 

Wagner,  Jacob 

Dem. 
Dem. 

Walker,  Isaac  P  

Walker,  James  
Walker,  Newton 

Dem. 
Whiff 

Walker,  Kichard  S  
Warren,  J.  M. 

Dem. 
..  ..Dem. 

Waters,  George  W. 

Whig 

Watkins,  Joseph  E  
Weatherford,  William  B. 
Webb,    Edwin    R, 

Whig 
Dem. 
Whie-       * 

Webb,  Henry  L  Dem. 
West,  Amos  S.                         Wbio- 

West,  Edward  
Wheat,  Almeron  
Wheeler,  Alpheus 

.Whig 
Dem. 
Dem. 

Whitcomb,  Lot  
White,  James  .. 

Dem. 
Whiff 

White,  John 

Dem. 

White,  John  
White,  Martin  
Whiteside,  John  D  
Whitten,  Easton  
Wilcox,  Charles  C  

Whig 
Dem. 
Dem.       * 
Dem. 
Whig 

Wilkinson,  Winfield  S. 

Dem. 

Williams,   Archibald  
Williams,  Isaac    

Whig 
.    Whig 

Williamson,  William  
Wilson,  Robert  L 

Dem. 
„  .Whig 

Wilson,  William   

Dem. 

Witt,  Franklin  

Dem. 

"Vice  Graham. 
"Resigned. 
98  Vice  Galbreath. 
"Vice  Thornton. 

150  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [150 

Name  Politics  pth   loth  nth    I2th  I3th  Mth 

Wood,  Daniel Dem.       *100    *      »      * 

Wood,  John  T Dem.  * 

Woodburn,  William Dem.  * 

Woodson,  David  M... Whig  * 

Woodworth,  James  H Dem.  * 

Woolard,  James  B Dem.  * 

Wren,  Johnson Dem.       * 

Wyatt,  John _ Dem.       *       *m 

Yates,  Bichard Whig  «      * 

Youngkin,  John  F Whig  * 

Zeiber,  John  S Dem.  * 

Zimmerman,  Jacob _ Dem.  * 

™°Vice  Rowan. 
101  vice  Douglas. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

GENERAL  WORKS,  BIOGRAPHIES,  AND  MEMOIRS. 

Adams,  Charles  Francis  (Ed.).  Memoirs  of  John  Quincy  Adams, 
comprising  portions  of  his  Diary  from  1795  to  1848.  12  Vols.  Philadel- 
phia, 1874-7. 

Benton,  Thomas  H.    Thirty  Years'  View.    2  Vols.    New  York,  1858. 

Chase,  Salmon  P.  and  Cleveland,  Charles  D.  Anti-Slavery  Addresses 
of  1844  and  1845.  London  and  Philadelphia,  1867. 

Colton,  Calvin.  Life  and  Times  of  Henry  Clay.  2  Vols.  New  York, 
1846. 

Ford,  Paul  Leicester  (Ed.).  Writings  of  Thomas  Jefferson.  10  Vols. 
New  York,  1892-9. 

Gregg,  Thomas.    The  Prophet  of  Palmyra.     New  York,  1890. 

Hale,  Edward  Everett.  Memoirs  of  a  Hundred  Years.  New  York, 
1902. 

Howe,  M.  A.  De  Wolf.  The  Life  and  Letters  of  George  Bancroft. 
2  Vols.  New  York,  1908. 

Jameson,  J.  Franklin  (Ed.).  Correspondence  of  John  C.  Calhoun. 
(Annual  Report  of  the  American  Historical  Association,  1899.) 

Johnston,  Alexander.  History  of  American  Politics.  New  York, 
1900. 

King,  Charles  R.  (Ed.).  The  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Rufus 
King.  Comprising  his  Letters,  Private  and  Official,  his  Public  Documents 
and  his  Speeches.  6  Vols.  New  York,  1900. 

Knox,  John  Jay.  A  History  of  Banking  in  the  United  States.  New 
York,  1900. 

Korner,  Gustav  Das  Deutsche  Element  in  den  Vereinigten  Staaten 
von  Nordamerika,  1818-1848.  New  York,  1848. 

Lee,  John  Doyle.    The  Mormon  Menace.    New  York,  1904. 

Lincoln,  Abraham.  Complete  Works,  Comprising  his  Speeches,  Let- 
ters, State  Papers  and  Miscellaneous  Writings.  Edited  by  Nicolay,  John 
G.  and  Hay,  John.  New  York,  1894.  Vol.  I.  Valuable  for  Illinois  his- 
tory. Its  claim  to  "completeness"  is  not  founded  upon  fact.  Many  of 
Lincoln's  letters,  speeches  and  written  addresses  have  escaped  the  atten- 
tion of  the  editors. 

Linn,  William  Alexander.  The  Story  of  the  Mormons.  New  York, 
1002.  That  part  of  the  work  referring  to  Mormons  in  Illinois  is  very 
good. 

MacDonald,  William.  Jacksonian  Democracy,  1829-1837.  (American 
Nation  Series,  Vol.  15.)  New  York,  1906. 

McMaster,  John  Bach.  A  History  of  the  People  of  the  United  States. 
7  Vols.  New  York,  1906. 


152  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [152 

Molony,  M.  T.  Pioneer  Irish  of  the  West  and  their  Descendants. 
Pam.  1909. 

New  York  Public  Library,  Bulletins  of,  Vol.  III.    New  York,  1899. 

Norton,  A.  B.  The  Great  Revolution  of  1840.  Reminiscences  of  the 
Log  Cabin  and  Hard  Cider  Campaign.  Mt  Vernon,  Ohio  and  Dallas, 
Texas,  1888. 

Ormsby,  R.  McKinley.  A  History  of  the  Whig  Party.  Boston,  1859. 
Little  value  as  source  material 

Parton,  James.    Life  of  Andrew  Jackson.     3  Vols.    New  York,  1860. 

Sheahan,  James  W.  Life  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas.  New  York,  1860. 
Later  lives  of  Douglas  have  displaced  this  work  as  a  general  biography, 
but  for  Illinois  history  during  the  thirties  and  forties  Sheahan's  life  is 
perhaps  the  best. 

Smith,  Theodore  Clarke.  The  Liberty  and  Free  Soil  Parties  in  the 
Northwest.  (Harvard  Historical  Studies,  Vol.  VI.)  New  York,  1897. 

Stanwood,  Edwards.  A  History  of  the  Presidency.  Boston  and  New 
York,  1900.  (There  are  many  editions  of  this  work.) 

Stenhouse,  T.  B.  H.    The  Rocky  Mountain  Saints.    New  York,  1873. 

Sumner,  William  Graham.  Andrew  Jackson  as  a  Public  Man.  (Amer- 
ican Statesmen  Series).  New  York,  1906. 

Turner,  Frederick  Jackson.  Rise  of  the  New  West,  1819-1829. 
(American  Nation  Series,  Vol.  14.)  New  York,  1906. 

Tyler,  Lyon  G.  The  Letters  and  Times  of  the  Tylers.  2  Vols.  Rich- 
mond, Virginia,  1884-5. 

Von  Hoist,  Herman.  The  Constitutional  and  Political  History  of  the 
United  States.  8  Vols.  Chicago,  1876-92. 

WORKS  RELATING  PRIMARILY  TO  ILLINOIS. 

Bateman,  Newton  and  Selby,  Paul.  Historical  Encyclopedia  of  Illi- 
nois. Chicago,  1900,  and  other  dates.  A  great  deal  of  the  data  in  this 
work  is  apparently  taken  from  Reynolds,  Ford,  etc.  It  is  on  the  whole 
a  valuable  work  for  reference. 

Bogges,  Arthur  Clinton.  The  Settlement  of  Illinois,  1778-1830.  (Chi- 
cago Historical  Society's  Collection,  Vol.  V.)  Chicago,  1908. 

Davidson,  Alexander  and  Stuve,  Bernard.  Complete  History  of  Illi- 
nois from  1673  to  1884.  Springfield,  Illinois,  1884.  There  are  various 
editions  of  this  work.  In  many  respects  it  is  the  best  history  of  the  state 
in  print. 

Dowrie,  George  W.  Development  of  Banking  in  Illinois,  1817-1863. 
(University  of  Illinois  Studies  in  the  Social  Sciences,  Vol.  II,  No.  4.) 
This  work  is  very  complete. 

Edwards,  Ninian  W.  History  of  Illinois  from  1778  to  1833  and  Life 
and  Times  of  Xinian  Edwards.  Springfield,  Illinois,  1870.  This  work  is 
particularly  valuable  on  account  of  the  many  Edwards  letters  it  contains. 

Edwards,  Ninian,  Papers  of.     Edited  by  E.  B.  Washburne.     Chicago, 


153]  BIBLIOGRAPHY  153 

1884.  This  is  the  most  important  collection  of  letters  dealing  primarily 
with  Illinois  history  yet  printed. 

Ford,  Thomas.  History  of  Illinois  from  Its  Commencement  as  a 
State  in  1818  to  1847.  Chicago,  1854.  This  work  has  been  a  standard  for 
years,  and  the  more  critically  it  is  examined  the  more  its  value  is  seen. 
Ford  lived  among  the  scenes  he  described,  and  many  of  his  characteriza- 
tions, which  seemed  once  to  have  been  too  severely  drawn,  have  been 
borne  out  by  subsequent  events. 

Gerhard,  Fred.  Illinois  As  It  Is :  Its  History,  Geography,  Statistics, 
Climate,  Soil,  Plants,  Animals,  State  of  Health,  Prairies, ,  Agriculture, 
Cattle-Breeding,  Orcharding,  Cultivation  of  the  Grape,  Timber-Growing, 
etc.  Chicago,  1857.  In  spite  of  its  formidable  title  it  is  a  serviceable 
account  of  the  times. 

Greene,  Evarts  Boutell  and  Alvord,  Clarence  Walworth.  Governors' 
Letter-Books,  1818-1834.  (Vol.  IV,  Illinois  Historical  Collections.) 
Springfield,  1909.  This  volume  contains  the  official  letters  of  Governors 
Bond,  Coles,  Edwards  and  Reynolds. 

Greene,  Evarts  Boutell  and  Thompson,  Charles  Manfred.  Governors'1 
Letter-Books,  1840-1853.  (Vol.  VII,  Illinois  Historical  Collections.) 
Springfield,  1911.  This  volume  contains  the  official  letters  of  Governors 
Carlin,  Ford  and  French,  and  one  letter  of  Governor  Matteson.  In 
addition  there  are  letters  to  Governor  French  from  the  state's  fiscal  agents 
in  New  York. 

Harris,  Norman  Dwight.  History  of  Negro  Slavery  in  Illinois  and 
of  the  Slavery  Agitation  in  that  State.  Chicago,  1906.  A  well  executed 
and  authentic  account  of  slavery  in  Illinois. 

Illinois  in  1837.  Philadelphia,  1837.  Many  accounts  overdrawn;  sta- 
tistics faulty. 

Kirby,  Julia  Duncan.  Biographical  Sketch  of  Joseph  Duncan,  Fifth 
Governor  of  Illinois.  (Read  before  the  Historical  Society  of  Jackson- 
ville, Illinois,  May  7,  1885.)  Chicago,  1888.  Especially  valuable  for  the 
Duncan  letters  and  the  diary  of  Mrs.  Duncan. 

Koerner,  Gustav,  Memoirs  of,  1809-1896.  Life-Sketches  Written  at 
the  Suggestion  of  his  Children.  Edited  by  Thomas  J.  McCormack.  2 
Vols.  Cedar  Rapids,  Iowa,  1909.  This  is  one  of  the  most  valuable  recent 
contributions  to  Illinois  history.  Its  weakness  lies  in  the  fact  that  the 
political  accounts  of  the  thirties  and  forties  appear  to  have  been  written 
after  the  slavery  question  had  had  a  chance  to  color  them. 

Linder,  Usher  F.  Reminiscences  of  the  Early  Bench  and  Bar  of 
Illinois.  Chicago,  1879.  Valuable,  but  truth  seems  often  to  have  been 
sacrificed  in  order  to  say  something  pleasing  about  old  friends. 

Moses,  John.  Illinois,  Historical  and  Statistical.  2  Vols.  Chicago, 
1895.  A  comprehensive  work,  but  lacking  in  many  important  places,  for 
example,  the  presidential  election  of  1836. 

Peck,  John  Mason.  A  Gazetteer  of  Illinois,  in  Three  Parts :  A  Gen- 
eral View  of  the  State,  a  General  View  of  each  County,  and  a  particular 


154  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [154 

Description  of  each  Town,  Settlement,  Stream,  Prairie,  Bottom,  Bluff, 
etc.  Second  edition,  Philadelphia,  1837.  Pages  1-89  give  an  excellent 
account  of  the  social  and  economic  life  of  the  people  of  Illinois  and  the 
West. 

Pooley,  William  Vipond.  The  Settlement  of  Illinois  from  1830-1850. 
(Bulletin  of  the  University  of  Wisconsin,  History  Series  VI,  pp.  287- 
595.)  Madison,  1908. 

Putnam,  J.  W.  An  Economic  History  of  the  Illinois  and  Michigan 
Canal.  (Journal  of  Political  Economy,  XVII.,  Nos.  5,  6,  and  7.)  This 
is  an  excellent  account  and  deserves  to  be  better  known  in  Illinois. 

Reynolds,  John.  Pioneer  History  of  Illinois,  Containing  the  Discov- 
ery in  1673  and  the  History  of  the  Country  to  the  Year  1818  when  the 
State  Government  was  Organized.  Belleville,  Illinois,  1852 ;  Chicago,  1887. 
Governor  Reynolds  apparently  wrote  the  book  years  after  the  events  he 
set  out  to  describe.  Besides  lacking  coherency,  it  is  not  always  correct. 
Despite  its  limitations,  it  has  been  and  seems  likely  to  remain  one  of  the 
chief  biographical  sources  of  the  early  history  of  Illinois. 

Snyder,  John  Francis.  Adam  W.  Snyder  and  His  Period  in  Illinois 
History,  1817-1842.  Second  Edition.  Virginia,  Illinois,  1906.  Dr.  Snyder 
is  a  son  of  Adam  W.  Snyder,  and  understands  the  period  of  which  he 
writes  very  thoroughly. 

Thompson,-  Charles  Manfred.  A  Study  of  the  Administration  of 
Thomas  Ford,  Governor  of  Illinois,  1842-1846.  Springfield,  1910. 

Washburne,  E.  B.  Sketch  of  Edward  Coles,  Second  Governor  of 
Illinois,  and  of  the  Slavery  Struggle  of  1823-4.  Chicago,  1882.  Mr. 
Washburne  sets  out  apparently  to  prove  something  rather  than  to  ascer- 
tain facts.  The  letters  to  and  from  Coles  make  up  the  most  important 
part  of  the  work. 

Washburne,  E.  B.    Edwards,  Ninian,  Papers  of.     (See  Edwards.) 

Wentworth,  John.  Early  Chicago.  Chicago,  1876.  Mr.  Wentworth 
was  editor  for  a  time  of  the  Chicago  Democrat,  also  representative  in 
Congress  from  the  Chicago  district.  He  describes  what  he  actually  saw 
in  and  around  Chicago. 

MISCELLANEOUS  PRINTED  MATERIAL. 

Brown,  William  H.,  in  Chicago  American,  December  22,  1840.  Mr. 
Brown  was  an  editor  at  Vandalia  at  the  beginning  of  the  slavery  strug- 
gles in  1823.  In  1840  he  delivered  an  address  before  the  Chicago  Lyceum 
and  it  was  printed  in  the  American.  I  am  indebted  to  Professor  G.  W. 
Dowrie,  of  the  University  of  Michigan,  for  calling  my  attention  to  this 
article. 

Buck,  Solon  J.  The  New  England  Element  in  Illinois  Politics  before 
1833.  (Proceedings  of  the  Mississippi  Valley  Historical  Association. 
1912-13,  p.  49  ff.) 

Buckingham,  J.  S.  The  Eastern  and  Western  States  of  America, 
3  Vols.  London,  [1842.] 


155]  BIBLIOGRAPHY  155 

Churchill,  George,  Annotations  by,  on  Rev.  Thomas  Lippincott's 
"Early  Days  in  Madison  County."  These  articles  were  published  in  news- 
papers under  the  headings,  First  Paper,  Second  Paper,  etc.  In  this  work 
they  are  referred  to  as  Churchill-Lippincott  with  proper  numbers.  Copies 
of  these  articles  are  in  University  of  Illinois-  Library. 

Cox,  I.  J.  Correspondence  of  Thomas  Sloo,  Jr.  (Ohio  Historical 
and  Philosophical  Society  Quarterly,  Vol.  VI.  Cincinnati,  Ohio.) 

Davis,  George  T.  M.,  Autobiography  of  the  Late  Col.,  etc.  From 
Posthumous  Papers  Published  by  his  Legal  Representatives.  New  York, 
1891.  Davis  was  at  one  time  mayor  of  Alton,  and  editor  of  the  Alton  Tele- 
graph. Few  men  were  in  a  better  position  or  more  able  to  write  of  events 
in  Illinois  during  the  time  he  was  a  citizen. 

Derby,  John  B.  Political  Reminiscences,  Including  a  Sketch  of  the 
Origin  and  History  of  the  "Statesman  Party"  of  Boston.  Boston,  1835. 

Dougla's,  Stephen  A.,  Autobiography  of.  Printed  in  Illinois  State 
Historical  Society  Journal,  October,  1912. 

Thompson,  Charles  Manfred.  Attitude  of  the  Western  Whigs  toward 
the  Convention  System.  (Proceedings  of  the  Mississippi  Valley  Histor- 
ical Association,  V.,  167-189.) 

Thompson,  Charles  Manfred.  The  Genesis  of  the  Whig  Party  in 
Illinois.  (Transactions  of  the  Illinois  State  Historical  Society,  1912.) 

Blue  Book,  1900,  1903,  1905,  1907,  1909,  1911,  1913-14.  The  Blue  Book  is 
issued  biennially  from  the  secretary  of  state's  office.  In  spite  of  the 
many  errors  of  fact  it  contains,  it  is  a  valuable  aid  to  writing  Illinois 
history. 

Broadside,  "A  List  of  the  Members  Comprising  the  Fifteenth  Gen- 
eral Assembly  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  Session  of  i846-'47."  Prepared  by 
E.  Rust.  Printed  at  the  office  of  the  Sangamo  Journal,  Springfield  Illi- 
noist.  Copy  in  possession  of  Jersey  County  Historical  Society.  Tran- 
script in  Library,  University  of  Illinois. 

Broadside.  Speech  of  John  J.  Hardin  together  with  a  series  of  at- 
tacks upon  Van  Buren.  Issued  in  1844.  Copy  in  possession  of  the  heirs 
of  the  late  General  John  I.  Rinaker,  Carlinville,  Illinois. 

History  of  Chicago,  Illinois.  Edited  by  John  Moses  and  Joseph 
Kirkland.  2  Vols.  Chicago  and  New  York,  1895. 

The  Monthly  Chronicle  of  Events,  Improvements  and  Opinions.  In- 
tended for  the  Popular  Diffusion  of  Useful  Knowledge,  and  an  Authentic 
Record  of  Facts  for  Future  Reference.  Boston,  1840. 

The  Portfolio  (New  Series).  Philadelphia,  1806+.  Stray  letters 
found  in  this  magazine  throw  light  on  Illinois  history. 

PRINTED  DOCUMENTS. 
Illinois. 

Laws  of  Illinois. 

House  Journal.     Referred  to  in  this  work  as  House  Journal. 

Senate  Journal.    Referred  to  in  this  work  as  Senate  Journal. 


156  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [156 

General  Assembly  Reports.     These  reports  began  in  1839. 

Seventh  Annual  Report  of  the  Canal  Commissioners.  Issued  sepa- 
rately. Found  also  printed  in  General  Assembly  Reports  (House),  1842-3, 
p.  Si  ff. 

Report  of  the  Illinois  and  Michigan  Canal  Investigation  by  Davis  and 
Swift. 

Adjutant-General's  Reports.  These  reports  are  issued  from  the  of- 
fice of  the  Adjutant-General  and  are  in  9  Vols. 

Constitution,  1818. 

State  Census  1835. 

Illinois  Reports.     (Supreme  Court.) 
United  States. 

Annals  of  Congress. 

House  Journal. 

Senate  Journal. 

Executive  Documents. 

Reports  of  Committees. 

Congressional  Globe. 

Federal  Cases. 

MANUSCRIPT. 

Eddy  MSS.  The  complete  collection  comprises  some  5,000  items.  Of 
this  number  a  little  less  than  1,000  are  letters  of  a  political  nature.  For 
the  period  1820-1848,  these  letters  throw  considerable  light  on  the  political 
workings  of  the  state.  The  collection  includes  letters  to  and  from  Henry 
Eddy,  Governors  Bond,  Edwards,  and  Duncan,  Judges  Smith,  Pope, 
Browne  and  Breese,  Senators  McLean,  Robinson  and  McRoberts,  and  a 
long  list  of  other  notables.  The  original  manuscript  is  in  the  possession 
of  Mr.  Charles  Carroll,  Shawneetown,  Illinois.  Copies  may  be  found  in 
the  Library  of  the  University  of  Illinois  and  in  the  State  Historical  Li- 
brary, Springfield,  Illinois. 

Flagg  MSS.  This  is  a  valuable  collection.  It  throws  light  on  the 
history  of  the  state  in  many  places.  The  original  manuscript  is  in  the 
possession  of  Norman  C.  Flagg,  Moro,  Illinois.  Copies  may  be  found  in 
the  Library  of  the  University  of  Illinois. 

Williams-Woodbury  MSS.  The  material  in  this  collection  relates 
principally  to  Danville,  Illinois,  and  surrounding  country.  There  are,  how- 
ever, several  valuable  letters  in  the  collection,  particularly  those  from 
William  Kinkade.  The  original  manuscript  is  in  the  possession  of  Mr. 
A.  G.  Woodbury,  Danville,  Illinois. 

MSS.  Election  Returns,  Secretary  of  State's  office,  Springfield, 
Illinois.  Heretofore  too  much  dependence  has  been  placed  upon  election 
statistics  copied  from  contemporary  accounts  and  newspapers.  Transcripts 
of  statistics  relating  to  the  most  important  election  have  been  made  and 
are  to  be  found  in  the  Library  of  the  University  of  Illinois. 


157]  BIBLIOGRAPHY  157 

MSS.  Election  Returns  (County  Court  Houses).  Election  schedules 
of  the  following  counties  have  been  examined  and  used  in  this  work: 
Coles,  Sangamon,  Edgar,  Clark,  Crawford,  Lawrence,  Gallatin,  Edwards, 
Macoupin,  Wayne,  Fayette  and  Tazewell.  In  a  few  cases  only  are  the 
original  schedules  intact.  Those  found  in  Sangamon,  Fayette,  Coles  and 
Macoupin  are  the  most  important. 

Miscellaneous  MSS.     (County  Court  Houses.)     Court  Records,  etc. 

NEWSPAPERS. 

This  study  has  necessarily  depended  in  large  part  upon  contemporary 
Illinois  newspapers,  which  fall  into  two  groups  corresponding  roughly  to 
periods  of  time.  For  the  twenties,  the  Edwardsville  Spectator  and  the 
Illinois  Intelligencer  have  furnished  the  greater  amount  of  information ; 
while  the  Alton  Telegraph,  Sangamo  Journal,  State  Register,  Chicago 
Democrat,  and  Chicago  American  have  been  used  very  extensively  for 
the  thirties  and  forties.  Scattering  issues  of  a  number  of  less  important 
papers  have  been  examined  whenever  the  opportunity  offered  itself. 

No  attempt  has  been  made  in  this  bibliography  to  give  a  complete 
history  of  the  newspapers  consulted.  Change  of  name  or  location  has  been 
indicated  only  when  the  omission  of  such  information  might  confuse  and 
mislead  the  reader.  The  dates  given  immediately  after  the  place  of 
publication,  indicate  the  extreme  limits  in  which  that  particular  newspaper 
has  been  used  in  the  preparation  of  this  study.  The  newspaper  file 
referred  to  in  the  case  of  the  more  important  papers,  is  believed  to  be  the 
most  complete.  For  further  information  about  Illinois  newspapers  for 
the  period  covered  in  this  study,  the  reader  is  referred  to  Scott's  News- 
papers and  Periodicals  of  Illinois,  1814-1879. 

Alton  American,  Alton.  1833-4.  Thomas  Lippincott,  editor.  Lippin- 
cott  was  a  radical  anti-slavery  man  during  the  convention  struggle  of 
1822-4.  University  of  Illinois  Library. 

Alton  Spectator,  Alton.  1832-6.    Chicago  Historical  Society  Library. 

Alton  Telegraph,  Alton.  1836-1845.  The  Telegraph  was  a  strong 
Whig  paper.  Of  its  editors  the  ablest  were  John  Bailhache  and  George 
T.  M.  Davis.  The  former  was  a  strong  anti-slavery  man  but  in  common 
with  his  political  brethren  he  was  willing  to  allow  the  subject  to  be  kept 
in  the  background.  Davis  was  one  of  the  state's  leading  lawyers,  a  fluent 
writer,  and  prominent  in  both  state  and  national  politics.  In  many  respects 
the  Telegraph  was  the  best  edited  paper  in  the  state  during  the  late  thirties 
and  earlier  forties.  Chicago  Historical  Society  Library. 

Chicago  American,  Chicago.  1836-42.  The  American  was  Whig  in 
politics  and  kept  up  a  continual  editorial  warfare  with  the  Chicago  Demo- 
crat. Of  its  editors  the  best  known  politically  were  T.  O.  Davis  and 
Buckner  S.  Morris.  Chicago  Historical  Society  Library. 

Chicago  Express,  Chicago.  1842-4.  Whig  in  politics.  Xewberry 
Library,  Chicago,  Illinois. 


158  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [158 

Chicago  Democrat,  Chicago.  1833-45.  Democratic  in  politics.  Edited 
by  John  Calhoun,  later  by  "Long"  John  Wentworth.  The  latter  was 
representative  in  Congress  from  1843  to  1851.  The  Democrat  was  the 
leading  journal  of  the  northern  part  of  the  state.  When  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  agitation  set  in  Wentworth  opposed  Douglas  and  later  aided 
in  organizing  the  Republican  party.  The  paper  became  Republican. 
Chicago  Historical  Society  Library. 

Cincinnati  American,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.  1830.  Whig  in  politics  and 
well  edited.  University  of  Illinois  Library. 

Crisis,  Edwardsville.  1830.  Supported  the  Reynolds  Administration. 
Chicago  Historical  Society  Library. 

Expositor,  Nauvoo.  There  was  but  one  issue  of  this  paper,  June  7, 
1844.  As  its  name  implies  it  was  established  for  the  purpose  of  exposing 
certain  things.  It  openly  denounced  Joseph  Smith,  the  Mormon  prophet, 
with  the  result  that  its  press  was  thrown  into  the  river  and  its  owners 
and  editor  compelled  to  flee  from  the  city.  Illinois  State  Historical 
Library. 

Galena  Advertiser,  Galena.  1830.  Established  by  Hooper  Warren  and 
supported  by  the  Edwards  party.  Chicago  Historical  Society  Library. 

Illinois  Advocate,  Vandalia.  1835-6.  Edited  by  John  York  Sawyer. 
(See  State  Register.) 

Illinois  Gazette,  Shawneetown.  1822.  The  Gazette  had  three  very 
able  editors,  Henry  Eddy,  James  Hall,  Alex.  P.  Field.  It  was  one  of  the 
five  papers  taking  part  in  the  slavery  contest  of  1822-4,  and  its  attitude 
during  this  time  is  a  matter  of  dispute.  Mercantile  Library,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Illinois  Intelligencer,  1820-32.  Originally,  established  at  Kaskaskia. 
Among  its  editors  were  Elijah  C.  Berry,  William  H.  Brown,  and  Robert 
Blackwell.  It  took  part  in  the  slavery  struggle  of  1822-4,  at  first  as  pro- 
slavery,  later  as  anti-slavery.  Because  of  its  location  at  the  state  capital 
and  the  intimacy  of  its  editors  with  the  state  administration,  the  Intelli- 
gencer is  the  best  newspaper  source  for  the  twenties.  Mercantile  Library, 
St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Illinois  Republican,  Kaskaskia.    1840. 

Illinois  Republican,  Rushville.  1840.  Chicago  Historical  Society 
Library. 

Illinois  Republican,  Shawneetown.  1841-2.  Whig  in  politics.  Files 
for  the  years  1841-2  are  in  possession  of  Mrs.  Charles  Carroll,  Shawnee- 
town, Illinois. 

Illinois  Statesman,  Jacksonville.  1843.  Edited  by  Jonathan  B.  Turner. 
It  stood  for  "true  Republicanism  against  all  Locofocos  and  Demagogues 
whether  pretended  Whigs  or  Democrats."  Chicago  Historical  Society 
Library. 

Kaskaskia  Democrat,  Kaskaskia.  1830.  Anti-Kinney  in  politics. 
Mercantile  Library,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Log  Cabin  Herald,  Chillicothe,  Ohio.     Whig  campaign  paper  of  1840. 

London  Times,  London,  Eng.     1840. 


159]  BIBLIOGRAPHY  159 

Louisville  Advertiser,  Louisville,  Ky.     1830. 

Missouri  Republican,  St.  Louis,  Mo.  1821-40.  Anti-Jackson  during 
the  twenties  and  thirties.  Became  Whig  when  that  party  was  formed. 
Files  in  the  office  of  the  St.  Louis  Republic. 

Nashville  Union,  Nashville,  Tenn.     1844. 

Neighbor,  Nauvoo.     1844. 

Niles'  Register.     (See  Miscellaneous.) 

Ohio  Nezvs,  Hillsborough,  Ohio.     1830. 

Ohio  State  Journal,  Columbus,  Ohio.     1830. 

Olive  Branch  (Whig  campaign  sheet,  1844),  Springfield,  Illinois. 

Quincy  Argus,  Quincy.     1840.     (See  Quincy  Herald.) 

Quincy  Herald,  Quincy.  1841.  Democratic  in  politics.  Chicago  His- 
torical Society  Library. 

Republican  Banner,  Nashville,  Tenn.     1844. 

Sangamo  Journal,  Springfield.  1831-1845.  One  of  the  most  prominent 
Whig  papers  during  the  thirties  and  forties.  Besides  being  ably  edited 
it  was  located,  after  1839,  at  the  state  capital  where  it  occupied  a  position 
that  gave  it  an  insight  into  state  politics.  Mr.  Lincoln  usually  used  the 
Journal  as  a  mouth  piece.  The  Sangamo  Journal  is  continued  in  the 
Illinois  State  Journal.  Illinois  State  Historical  Library. 

Scioto  Gazette  and  Fredonian  Chronicle,  Chillicothe,  Ohio.  1830. 
Edited  by  John  Bailhache,  who  afterward  edited  the  Alton  Telegraph  for 
many  years. 

Sharp  Stick,  Chillicothe,  Ohio.     1844.     Whig  campaign  sheet. 

Edwardsville  Spectator,  Edwardsville.  1820-5.  Hooper  Warren, 
editor.  The  Spectator  is  said  to  have  been  the  best  edited  paper  in  Illinois 
during  its  existence.  Edwards  seems  to  have  supplied  the  money  for 
starting  the  paper,  but  a  few  years  after  it  was  launched  Warren  denied 
that  Edwards  had  any  interest  in  it.  The  Spectator  led  the  fight  against 
slavery  in  1822-4,  and  it  is  a  very  valuable  source  for  that  period.  Mer- 
cantile Library,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Spirit  of  '76,  Nashville,  Tenn.  1844.  Whig  campaign  sheet.  File  in 
possession  of  Professor  John  Connely,  Carlinville,  Illinois. 

State  Register,  Springfield.  1835-45.  The  Register  was  moved  from 
Vandalia  to  Springfield  in  1839.  It  was  Democratic  and  the  party  organ 
for  years.  Because  of  its  influence  with  the  party  in  power  its  files  for 
the  forties  especially  are  more  valuable  than  any  other  Illinois  paper. 
Illinois  State  Historical  Library. 

Times,  Springfield.     1843-45.    Democratic. 

Times  and  Seasons,  Nauvoo.  1844.  Published  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Mormon  church.  Chicago  Historical  Society  Library. 

Vandalia  Free  Press  and  Illinois  Whig,  Vandalia.  1840.  Violently 
Whig.  William  Hodge,  its  editor,  was  bitterly  opposed  to  Lincoln  and 
other  Springfield  Whigs,  whom  he  termed  the  "Junto." 

Western  Democrat,  Kaskaskia.     1830. 

Western  Intelligencer,  Kaskaskia.  1816-18.  Mercantile  Library, 
St.  Louis,  Mo. 


INDEX 


Abolitionists:     Harrison  and  Van  Buren  charged  with  being  friendly  to, 

71  passim;  a  political  issue,  74-5.    See  Slavery. 
Adams,  James,  candidate  for  governor,  44. 
Adams,  John  Quincy,  candidate  for  president,  27,  34. 
Americanism,  a  political  issue,  128  ff. 
Anti-Masons,  affiliated  with  the  Whigs,  66. 
Archer,  William  B. :  candidate  for  lieutenant-governor,  47  n. ;  candidate 

for  the  United  States  senate,  49. 

Baker,  David  J.,  appointed  to  the  United  States  senate,  37. 

Baker,  Edward  D. :  member  of  the  "Springfield  Junto,"  76;  candidate  for 
Congress,  121,  130;  political  activity,  126. 

Barrett,  E.  F.,  member  of  the  first  Whig  state  central  committee,  68. 

Beal,  Joshua,  secretary  of  the  first  Whig  state  convention,  65. 

Bennett,  John  C.    See  Mormons. 

Birkbeck,  Morris,  opposition  of,  to  slavery,  14. 

Bond,  Shadrach:  first  territorial  delegate  to  Congress  from  Illinois,  9; 
nativity  of,  10;  elected  first  governor  of  Illinois,  n;  death  of,  40. 

Browne,  Thomas  C. :  allied  with  Governor  Edwards,  10;  nativity  of,  10; 
elected  a  state  supreme  judge,  n ;  candidate  for  governor,  18  ff. ;  im- 
peachment proceedings  against,  101  ff. 

Browning,  Orville  H. :  member  of  the  General  Assembly,  57;  political 
activities  of,  67 

Calhoun,  John  C.,  candidate  for  president,  28. 

Carlin,  Thomas,  elected  governor  of  Illinois,  60. 

Casey,  Zadox :  supported  Richard  M.  Johnson  for  vice-president,  38; 
elected  to  Congress,  117. 

Churchill,  George,  anti-slavery  leader,  26. 

Clay,  Henry :  candidate  for  president,  27,  38,  126  ff. ;  supported  by  the  Illi- 
nois Whigs  in  the  Harrisburg  Convention,  67. 

Clay's  Land  Bill,  supported  by  the  Illinois  Whigs,  124. 

Coles,  Edward :  elected  governor  of  Illinois,  16  ff. ;  candidate  for  Con- 
gress, 37. 

Constitution  of  1818:  provisions  regarding  amendment  of,  22;  attempts  to 
amend,  24  ff. 

161 


162  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [162 

Cook,  Daniel  Pope :  allied  with  Governor  Edwards,  9 ;  auditor  of  public 
accounts,  9;  clerk  of  the  territorial  house  of  representatives,  9;  de- 
feated for  Congress,  12,  32;  attitude  of,  toward  slavery,  12  ft. ;  elected 
to  Congress,  13,  14,  15,  27;  voted  against  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
15;  cast  vote  of  Illinois  for  Adams,  30;  death  of,  40. 

Crawford,  William  C.,  candidate  for  president,  27  ft. 

Cullom,  Richard  N.,  member  of  the  General  Assembly,  57. 


Davis,  G.  T.  M.,  political  activities  of,  125. 

Dement,  John,  supported  Richard  M.  Johnson  for  vice-president,  38. 

Dougherty,  John,  member  of  the  General  Assembly,  57. 

Douglas,  Stephen  A. :  member  of  the  General  Assembly,  57 ;  nominated 

for  office  of  secretary  of  state,  81,  86;  elected  to  Congress,  130. 
Duncan,  Joseph :  elected  to  Congress,  32,  34,  37 ;  supported  Richard  M. 

Johnson   for  vice-president,  38 ;  elected  governor  of  Illinois,  44  ff . ; 

opposed  the  Jackson  administration,  45  ff. ;  candidate  for  governor,  91. 


Eddy,  Henry :  supported  John  Quincy  Adams  for  president,  28 ;  political 
activities  of,  125;  political  correspondence  of,  bibliography. 

Edwards,  Cyrus :  member  of  the  General  Assembly,  57 ;  candidate  for 
governor,  59. 

Edwards,  Ninian :  territorial  governor  of  Illinois,  9 ;  nativity  of,  9 ; 
education  of,  10;  elected  to  the  United  States  senate,  n,  13;  sup- 
ported Missouri  Compromise,  15,  16;  elected  governor  of  Illinois, 
31  ff. ;  advised  to  support  Jackson,  35 ;  death  of,  40. 

Edwards,  Ninian  W.,  member  of  the  General  Assembly,  57. 

Ewing,  William  Lee  Davis :  supported  Van  Buren  for  vice-president,  38 ; 
acting-governor  of  Illinois,  47 ;  elected  speaker  of  the  house  over 
Lincoln,  82. 

Federalist,  use  of  the  name  to  designate  Whigs. 

Ficklin,  Orlando  B. :  supported  Virginia  and  Kentucky  Resolutions,  61 ; 

elected  to  Congress,  129. 
Field,  Alexander  Pope :  supported  Richard  M.  Johnson  for  vice-president, 

38;  refused  to  be  ousted  from  the  office  of  secretary  of  state,  81  ff. 
First  State  Whig  Convention :  proposals  for  holding  the  convention,  64 ; 

personnel  and  acts  of  the  convention,  65  ff. 
Ford,  Thomas :   elected  governor,  92 ;  attitude  of,  toward  state  policies, 

94  ff. 

Foreign  vote  in  Illinois,  a  party  issue,  78.    See  Americanism. 
Forquer,  George,  supported  by  the  Edwards  party  for  Congress,  34. 
French,  Augustus  C.,  member  of  the  General  Assembly,  58. 

Glenn,  Robert  A.,  secretary  of  the  first  Whig  state  convention,  65. 


163]  INDEX  163 

Hansen,  Nicholas,  unseated  by  the  Illinois  house  of  representatives,  24. 

Hardin,  John  J.,  elected  to  Congress,  120. 

Hargrave,  Willis,  associated  with  anti-Edwards  party,  13. 

Harrisburg  Convention :  delegates  from  Illinois  to,  66  n. ;  nomination  of 
Harrison  by,  67. 

Harrison,  William  Henry :  candidate  for  president,  54  ff . ;  nominated  for 
president,  61,  67;  elected  president,  77;  death  of,  115. 

Henry,  A.  G.,  member  of  the  first  Whig  state  convention,  68ff. 

Henry,  James  D.,  candidate  for  governor,  43,  44. 

Herndon,  William  H. :  member  of  the  "Springfield  Junto,"  76;  political 
activities  of,  125. 

Hubbard,  Adolphus :  associated  with  the  anti-Edwards  party,  13 ;  presi- 
dential elector,  14  n.,  15;  candidate  for  governor,  31. 

Illinois  and   Michigan  Canal :  authorization  of,  50 ;  pledged   for  the   se- 
curity of  the  bond  holders  of  the  state,  97  ff. ;  completed,  no. 
Immigration  into  Illinois,  42. 
Internal  Improvements :  projected,  50,  51 ;  abandoned,  59,  60. 

Jackson,  Andrew :  candidate  for  president,  27  ff . ;  influence  in  Illinois  poli- 
tics, 30;  elected  president,  35,  39. 

Johnson,  Richard  M.,  candidate  for  vice-president,  38. 

Jones,  Michael:  allied  with  the  anti-Edwards  party,  10,  13;  nativity  of,  10; 
candidate  for  the  United  States  senate,  12;  presidential  elector, 
14  u.,  15. 

Judiciary  Reform  Bill,  acted  on  by  the  General  Assembly,  85  ff. 

Kane,  Elias  Kent:  allied  with  anti-Edwards  party,  10;  nativity  of, 
10;  education  of,  10;  appointed  first  secretary  of  state  of  Illinois, 
ii ;  candidate  for  Congress,  15;  elected  to  the  United  States  senate, 

29,  37- 

Kinney,  William:  associated  with  anti-Edwards  party,  13,  33;  candidate 
for  governor,  36,  44  ff. 

Lincoln,  Abraham :  favored  convention  system,  56 ;  member  of  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly,  49,  57,  60,  82  ff. ;  member  of  the  first  Whig  state  cen- 
tral committee,  68  ff. ;  challenged  Democrats  to  joint  debate,  67 ;  can- 
didate for  presidential  elector,  77  n.,  78,  125 ;  candidate  for  speaker  of 
Illinois  house  of  representatives,  82;  candidate  for  governor,  91; 
political  activities  of,  120  ff. ;  candidate  for  Congress,  121. 

Linder,  Usher  F. :  member  of  the  General  Assembly,  57 ;  political  activities 
of,  125. 

Lippincott,  Thomas,  opposition  of,  to  slavery,  14. 

Locofocos,  applied  to  the  Democrats  by  the  Whigs,  74  passim. 


164  THE  ILLINOIS  WHIGS  [164 

Logan,  Stephen  T. :  member  of  the  "Springfield  Junto,"  76;  candidate 
for  speaker  of  the  Illinois  house  of  representatives,  105;  political  ac- 
tivities of,  122,  125. 

McGernand,  John  A.:  member  of  the  General  Assembly,  57;  candidate 

for  Congress,  130. 
McLaughlin,   Robert  K. :   associated  with    the    anti-Edwards    party, "  13 ; 

candidate  for  governor,  44. 
McLean,  John:  associated  with  the  anti-Edwards  party,  10;  nativity  of, 

10;  candidate  for  Congress,   12,  14,  15;  attitude  of,  toward  slavery, 

12,  13,  14;  elected  to  the  United  States  senate,  29,  35;  death  of,  40 
McRoberts,  Samuel,  supported  Van  Buren  for  vice-president,  38. 
Mather,  Thomas,  candidate  for  the  United  States  senate,  37. 
Menard,  Pierre:  associated  with  the  Edwards  party,  10;  nativity  of,  10; 

elected  first  lieutenant-governor  of  Illinois,  n. 
"Milk  and  Cider"  Jackson  party  in  Illinois,  31  ff.,  43. 
Mills,  Henry  I.,  presided  over  Whig  meeting,  63. 
Missouri  Compromise:  discussed  in  Illinois,  13,  14,  15;  opposed  by  D.  P. 

Cook,  15;  supported  by  Senators  Edwards  and  Thomas,  15,  16. 
Monroe,  James,  re-elected  president,  14,  15. 
Moore,  James  B. :  presidential  elector,  14  n.,  15 ;  candidate  for  governor, 

18  ff. 

Moore,  William,  chairman  of  the  first  Whig  state  convention,  65. 
Mormons:  migration  of,  to  Illinois,  99;  activities  of,  100  ff. ;  expulsion 

of,  107. 

Nauvbo.    See  Mormons. 

Ordinance  of  1787,  attacked  by  the  Illinois  legislature,  22,  23. 

Peck,  John  Mason,  opposition  of,  to  slavery,  14. 

Phillips,  Joseph,  candidate  for  governor,  18  ff. 

Polk,  James  K.,  election  of,  to  the  presidency,  127  ff. 

Pope,  Nathaniel:  associated  with  the  Edwards  party,  9;  nativity  of,  10; 

education  of,  10 ;  candidate  for    territorial    delegate,  1 1 ;    appointed 

federal  judge,  n. 

Ralston,  James  H.,  candidate  for  presidential  elector,  78. 
Reynolds,  John:  elected  governor  of  Illinois,  36;  elected  to  Congress,  117. 
Robinson,  John  M. :  elected  to  the  United  States  senate,  37;  candidate  for 
the  United  States  senate,  49. 

Shields,  James,  member  of  the  General  Assembly,  57. 
Slavery  in  Illinois  politics:  before  1818,  9;  after  1818,  12,  13,  14,  15,  16, 
20  ff.    See  Abolitionism. 


165]  INDEX  165 

Sloo,  Thomas,  Jr.,  candidate  for  governor,  31. 
Smith,  Joseph.    See  Mormons. 
Smith,  T.  W.,  leader  of  anti-Edwards  party,  33. 
Snyder,  Adam  W.,  candidate  for  governor,  91. 

Speed,  Joshua  R,  member  of  the  first  Whig  state  central  committee,  68  ff. 
"Springfield  Junto,"  membership  of,  76. 

State  Banks :  created,  50 ;  condemned  by  the  Whigs,  66 ;  liquidated,  94  ff . 
State  debt  in  1842 :  amount,  93  n.,  95 ;  repudiation  of,  96  ff. 
Stephenson,  Benjamin,  candidate  for  governor,  59. 

Stuart,  John  T. :  member  of  the  "Springfield  Junto,"  76;  elected  to  Con- 
gress, 117. 

Tariff:  as  a  political  issue,  42;  endorsed  by  the  Whigs,  73  ff.,  125  ff. 
Thomas,   Jesse   Burgess:   associated  with    the    anti-Edwards    party,   10; 

nativity  of,  10;  elected  to  the  United  States  senate,  u;  supported  the 

Missouri  Compromise,  15,  16. 

Trumbull,  Lyman,  removed  from  the  office  of  secretary  of  state,  95. 
Tyler,  John :  candidate  for  vice-president,  54  ff.,  67  ff. ;  became  president, 

115;  following  in  Illinois,  115  ff. 

United  States  Bank:  mentioned,  42,  46;  withdrawal  of  the  deposits,  58; 
bank  bill  vetoed  by  Jackson,  39,  by  Tyler,  118. 

Van  Buren,  Martin :  elected  vice-president,  38 ;  endorsed  for  the  presi- 
dency by  the  Illinois  Democrats,  53 ;  elected  president,  56 ;  candidate 
for  re-election,  69  passim. 

Warren,  Hooper :  editor  of  the  Edwardsville  Spectator,  16 ;  opposition  of, 

to  slavery,  14,  16  ff. 
Webb,  Edwin  B. :  member  of  the  General  Assembly,  57 ;  political  activities 

of,  125. 

Webster,  Daniel,  supported  by  Illinois  Whigs,  43. 
Wentworth,  John,  elected  to  Congress,  130. 

White,  Hugh  L.,  endorsed  by  the  Illinois  senate  for  the  presidency,  53. 
"Whole  Hog"  Jackson  party  in  Illinois,  31  ff. 
Wight,  A.  G.  S.,  presidential  elector,  54. 

Young,  Brigham.    See  Mormons. 

Young,  Richard  M.,  elected  to  the  United  States  senate,  49. 


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